egypt egyptian king time dynasty reign country cairo called egyptians
125-6 and 130-2 of the same volume.
degenerates when removed into a city or a cultivated tract, that the former commonly becomes mangy, and the latter experiences a physical and moral degradation. The Egyptian camel is of the one-humped kind, which has been erroneously called the dromedary, whereas the dromedary is merely a swift camel standing in the same relation to the ordinary camel that our saddle-horse does to our cart-horse. Camel's flesh is for the most part eaten only by the peasants and the Arabs of the desert ; by the Copts it is considered unlawful food.
It is very remarkable that no representation of the camel has been found in the scnlptures and paintings of the Egyptian monuments, among the very numerous figures of the animals of Egypt both tame and wild, and of those brought from foreign lands as presents. It does not appear to have been introduced into other African countries until after the Christia.n F.ra, (comp. Desmoulins, Hem. lu a l'Instilut, 28 Juin 1823); but it was known to the Egyp-tians, although it is by no means certain that it was one of their domestic beasts. Two passages in the Bible which speak of camels in the possession of Pharaohs (Gen. xii. 16 ; Ex. ix. 3) refer to the time at which foreign tribes had been settled in Egypt ; and perhaps the camel was peculiarly the animal of one or all of those tribes, and, as they were hated by the Egyptians, it may have been omitted in the representations of the monuments.
To modern Egypt the camel is very- valuable, since the traffic with Syria, Arabia, Western Africa, and Ethiopia is to a great extent carried on by caravans. But the ancient Egyptians appear to have derived their wealth more from tributary presents than from commerce, to have allowed. their land commerce to be much in the hands of foreign merchants, like those who brought Joseph into Egypt, and to have left even their sea commerce partly a.t least to foreign ers.
The horse is not known to have ben] used in Egypt be-fore the time of the Empire. Thenceforward the horses of Egypt were famous, and the armies of the Pharaohs were noted for their war-chariots. From Egypt, Solomon, and in his time the kings of the Hittites and the kings of Syria, had horses and chariots (1 K. x. 28, 29). And long after, when first the kingdom of Israel and then that of Judah endeavoured to throw off' the yoke of tbe great kings of the East, and made alliance with Egypt, they put their trust in Pharaoh's horses (Isa.. xxxi. I). In the representations of battles fought by the kings of the Empire we see no Egyptian cavalry, but only chariots, called " horse" in the inscriptions. At later times they may have had cavalry, properly- speaking, of their own, and perhaps at all times among the mercenary or auxiliary forces.
In the present day the horses of Egypt are of a very indifferent breed, and the best that one sees in that country have been brought from Arabia and Sy-ria, but these are seldom of great excellence. It is indeed surprising to find few really good horses in a country bordering on Arabia; and not many years ago this was still more remark-able, though not during the existence of the Alemlooks. The finest Arabs, however, are kept in the background by- their possessors, partly for fear of the " evil eye," and partly, in the case of all but the highest dignitaries, to avoid their forcible seizure by those of greater rank and power.
The Egyptian ass holds a middle place between that of Great Britain and the wild ass, which is more swift of foot than the horse. It is tall and handsome, docile, and having excellent paces, particularly a (Flick and easy amble. Thus it is well suited to the narrow streets of the towns of Egypt, and is therefore commonly used for riding by persons of the middle and lower classes. The mules are handsome, but noted fur vice, and for not being sure-footed.
The cattle are short-horned, rather small, and, as of old, vcry beautiful, speaking artistically. They are ex-ceedingly quiet in disposition, and much valued for agri-cultural labour by the people, who therefore very rarely slaughter them for meat, and then only for the Franks. Buffaloes uf an uncouth appearance and of a dark slaty colour, strikingly- contrasting with the neat cattle, abound in Egypt. 1Vhen voyaging on the Nile, one often sees them standing or lying in the river by herds. They are very docile, and the little children of the villagers often ride them to or from the river. They are sometimes slaughtered, but theil flesh is tough and coarse. Sheep (of which the greatet number are black) and goats are abundant in Egypt, and mutton is the ordinary butcher's meat. Swine are very rarely kept, and then almost wholly for the Franks, the Copts generally abstaining from eating their meat. It appears that the ancient Egyptians, though not forbidden this flesh, rarely ate it, perhaps because it is extremely unwholesome in a, hot The Muslims consider dogs unclean, and therefore those of Cairo and most of the towns are half-wild and without masters, living upon offal, and upon food thrown to them by hninane persons. In the villages, however, and particularly in the Thebas, their case is better, for they are kept as guards to protect live stock from thieves, and from hy-enas and other wild animals, which come from the deserts by night in quest of prey. The common dog of Egypt is generally of a sandy colour and strong, though not remarkable for courage ; but in Upper Egypt, about Thebes, there is a fierce breed of dogs with wiry hair, generally black, and much esteemed for courage by their masters. Cats are as numerous in Cairo as dogs, and many of them are as homeless. They are, however, liked by the natives, who assign as their reason that Mohammad was fond of cats. This may perhaps be regarded as a relic of the veneration in which they were held by the ancient Egyptians. It is not a little curious, that there is at Cairo a royal foundation for the support of destitute cats. The author of this charity was the famous 3Iemlook sultan, Edh-Dhlthir Beybars, whose humane intentions have of late years been sadly neglected by the trustees.
The wolf, fox, jackal, and hyena chiefly inhabit the deserts and waste places of Egypt, and lurk iu the ancient tombs and deserted quarries. The wild cat is also found in that country, though it is not COMMOD. The weasel abounds in Cairo, and is proverbial for its mischievous and revengeful disposition, and rats and mice are not among the lea,st of the plagues. The ichneumon, jerboa, hare,. and hyrax are likewise natives of Egypt or its deserts, and the tame rabbit is kept for food.
The beasts of the chase of the Egyptian deserts are antelopes of various kinds, and the wild ass, esteemed by the Arabs and Persians to be the prince of gatue, which is found in the southern part of the Eastern Desert. The most beautif.il of the antelopes is the gazelle, which is often tamed and kept in the large courts of the houses of Cairo. In Lower Egypt, principally in the desolate marshes near the Mediterranean, the wild boar is found and occasionally hunted. It is, however, a timid animal, so that the sport is not, like boar-huntiug elsewhere, exciting and dangerous.
From the representations in the tombs we see that in old times the hippopotamus was one of the wild beasts of the country. It has now retreated above the First Cataract, the southern boundary of Egypt. The croco-dile. has retreated in the same manner, and instead of being found throughout tbe Nile in Egypt, is rarely seen even in Lower Nubia. The name of the island of Elephantine, situate a little to the north of the First Cataract, bearing the same signification in hieroglyphics aa in Greek, makes it probable that at some remote period elephants were found in Upper Egypt, though now they are not seen north of Abyssinia.
In exploring the tombs and dark parts of the temples the traveller is annoyed by crowds of bats, which extinguish his candle, fly into his face, aud cling to his clothes, some-times rendering examination impossible without a lantern. One species is very large, but the conunon one is small.
Birds of prey are numerous in Egypt, and of many kinds. Of the most remarkable are three species of large naked-necked vultures - the Arabian, the sociable, and the fulvous ; as well as the smaller species called the aquiline vulture, The aquiline vulture has a, feathered neck, and when standing is by no means a handsome bird, but it is much to be admired when on the wing from the contrast of the black and white of its plumage, and the steady manner in which it soars in circles. Perhaps the bearded vulture breeds in the most lofty parts of the desolate moun-tains of the Eastern Desert; for when the French army n as in Egypt, one of these birds was killed. It is said to have been of extraordinary size, measuring more than 14 Parisian feet, or more than 15 English, from point to point of its expanded wings. Several species of eagles and falcons, two kinds of hawks, the common buzzard, and the moor-harrier live in Egypt, or visit that country, according as they are migratory, erratic, or sedentary. The connuon kite abounds at Cairo, and is one of the chief scavengers of the city, the others being the crow, the aquiliue vulture, the half-wild dog, and the cat. The ruins aud tombs of Egypt, and the modern houses, scarcely ever in perfect repair, shelter owls of various kinds.
The Spanish sparrow, which differs little from that of Britain, the water-wagtail, linnets, and larks are among the birds of Egypt. The kind of kingfisher which is commonly seen on the Nile, perched on some eminence, and darting suddenly to seize a, fish, is very inferior in its plumage, which is speckled, black and. white, to the common king-fisher, which is also occasionally seen. The beautiful hoopoe is aniong the least rare birds, and there are also three species of bee-eaters. The hoopoe may be often seen iu Cairo, where it is regarded with some reverence, as the bird of Solomon. Crows of the kind which we call the .Royston crow are very nutnerous at Cairo. Birds of the swallow tribe, the wood pecker, and the cuckoo are also known in Egypt.
In the metropolis, in the towns and villages, and in the fields, no bird is more corm:ton than the pigeon, tame or wild. Pigeon-fancying is a favourite aninsement of all classes at Cairo, and it: the villages the pigeon-houses are often loftier than the huts upon which they are raised. Tourists on the Nile inflict great loss on the poor peasantry by recklessly shooting these tame birds. Wild turtie-doves build. in the courts of the houses of the capital. These courts often serve for the purpose of poultry-yards, iu which fowls wander about without any care being taken of them, except that food is occasionally thrown to them. They are consequently meagre, and. produce very small eggs. Turkeys, ducks, aud geese are kept iP the same manner.
Quails migrate to Egypt in great numbers ; and sand-grouse, called by the natives kata, from their cry, are common in the deserts. There also tle Arabs, like the ancient Egyptians, hunt the ostrich. A red-legged partridge is likewise found in Egypt.
The islands of the Nile, the sand-banks which appear when the river is low, the lakes and marshes, the sheets of water caused by the inundation, and the mountains near the river, are the favourite resorts of many kinds of wading and of web-footed birds.
Of the waders the most interesting would be the sacred ibis of Egypt, if that bird be now found there. But it does not appear certain that only one species was anciently held sacred, and if so that this is the Ibis religiosa Cuvier now known in Egypt. The Egyptian plover is famous on ' account of the story, which modern observation has con-firmed, related by Herodotus respecting it and the croco-dile. Among the most common waders are the spur-winged plover, the snow-white egret, which has been erroneously called the ibis, and the pelican. The cormorant, too, is often ! seen, as are wild geese and clucks, both of several kinds.
Of the many reptiles the crocodile occupies the first place. It is seldom observed in the present day in Upper Egypt. Some years ago it was usual south of Asyoot to see several crocodiles basking in the sun in the beat of the day on a sand-bank; at the approach of a boat they would quickly plutwe into the stream. They rarely attack a hutnan beimr, 1;tit it is unwise to bathe in the river at places where ley are reputed to be fierce, and to bathe at any distance from a boat in the part of Upper Egypt where they are found. It is said that the erocodile's common mode of attacking a, person on shore, who is near the river's edge, is to approach stealthily and sweep him into the stream by a blow of his tail, the great weapon of all the lizard-tribe. The smaller saurians are found in great numbers : of these. a species of chameleon may be mentioned.
Serpents and snakes are amang the most common reptiles, and are of various kinds, including the deadly cerastes and cobra di capello. The house snakes, however, which are numerous at Cairo, are harmless.
Fishes abound in the Nile and in the Lake Menzeleh. The modern inhabitants of the country are partial to fish as food, but they say that only those. fishes which have scales are wholesome. The fishes of the Nile are generally insipid in comparison to those of the sea ; though a few of them, particularly the bultee (Labrus niloticus, Linn.), the kishr (Perm nilotica), and the binnee (Cyprinus Arted.), are of a delicate flavour.
One of the commonest insects is the dangerous scorpion. Its sting is very painful, and, if no remedy is applied, sometimes fatal, particularly if a person is stung in the heel.' Large spiders are abundant, including more than one species of solpuga, incorrectly called tarantulas by the Europeans, and believed by the natives to be very venomous, but this is most likely an error Egynt has ev-r beeu famous for what may be termed insect-plagues, but not to the extent that has been asserted by sonie modern travellers. Caution will enable one partially to escape the attacks of fleas and bugs., and altouether to avoid the more dreaded insect usually spoken of with them. Beetles of various kinds are found, including that which was anciently held sacred, the scarabaeus. Locusts are seldom. seen, and very rarely in large numbers. When, however, such is tlae case, they commit great havoc in the fields and gardens, retnindimr one of the account of the plague of locusts which preceded the Exodus, and the re-markable passage in the book of Joel (ii. 1-11) describing an invading army as a destructive flight of locusts. Some-thnes they merely cross the valley of Upper Egypt, and leave the mark of their passage in desolated fields, entirely stripped of verdure; and at other thnes they spread them-selves for days, or even weeks, over the cultivated lands, committing far more extensive mischief.
Bees are kept in Egypt, and their honey is much prized by the inhabitants, who usually eat it in a clarified state. It is inferior to that of England, and also to the famous Greek honey. Butterflies and moths of -many kinds are observed in the fields. There are plantations of mulberry trees in the eastern part of Lower Egypt, for the rearing of silk-wortns. The manufacture of silks was a Governmeut monopoly, but has lately ceased to be so. The silks of Egypt are generally iuferior to those of Syria and other Eastern countries, though some have been produced of great excellence. Among the other insects may be men-tioned the common fly, rightly deserving a place among the plagues of Egypt, as doe:: also the mosquito, which, how-ever, is not found throughout the country.
Ancient Inhabitants. - In the following remarks on the ancient Egyptians great assistance has been-derived from the valuable work of Sir Gardner Wilkinson on their Manners and Customs, which has made us better acquainted with them than we are with any other people of antiquity. From the representations of their monuments, and from the mummies which have been unrolled, we can form an accurate idea of the personal characteristics of the ancient Egyptians. In consequence of a misconception of a passage in Herodotus (ii. 104), and confused notions respecting the inhabitants of Africa, it has been often sup-posed that the Egyptians were very nearly allied to the negro race. A careful examination of the most distinct data in our possession has, however, produced a, far different result; and it is now acknowledged that they were more related to the Caucasian than to the negro type. It has also been shown that most of the modern inhabitants have preserved many of the. characteristics of their ancient pre-decessors, and that it is, therefore, erroneous to suppose that they are chiefly of Arab origin, although the intermix-tun of Arab blood has so much changed the national type that it would not be safe to describe the earlier people from the appearance of the present. Neverthe-less, one is often struck, among the remains of ancient monuments, by the similarity of an early representation to some one of the natives standing by, priding himself upon an Arab origin, and repudiating the reproach that he is of the race of Pharaoh.
Judging from the monuments ancl mummies, the coun-tenance of the ancient Egyptians was oval, and narrower in the case of the men than of the women. The forehead was small and somewhat retiring, but well-shaped ; the eyes large, long, and generally black ; the nose rather dong, and with a slight bridge; the mouth expressive, with rather full lips, and white and regular teeth; the chin stnall and round, and the cheek-bones a little prominent. The hair was long, full, crisp, somewhat harsh, and alrnost always black. The beard was worn in so artificial a mode that one cannot judge whether it was full or not. The skin of the men was dark brown ; that of the women varied from olive to pink flesh-colour in different persons. The colour of the women was natural, and the darker hue of the men the result of exposure to the sun, and the scantiness of their clothing explains why their faces were not darker than the rest of their bodies.
The dress of the ancient Egyptians did not much vary at different periods. Under Dynasty IV. it was, however, shnpler than under the Empire. As most monuments re-main of the Empire, the dress of the inhabitants at that time will be described, and this description will apply, in its main particulars, to the earlier and later times of their ancient history.
The men of all classes either hsd shaven heads, with skull-caps, or wore their own hair, or wigs, very full, and in numerous plaits or curls, falling to the shoulders, but sometimes much shorter and in the form of a bag; there is, indeed, reason to suppose that the practice nf sharing, the head was universal, except among the soldiers. All the hair of the face was also shaven, except in the cases of kings and great persons, who had a small formal beard, possibly artificial, beneath the chin.
The king was distinguished from his subjects by the richness of his apparel. His head-dress was sometimes his own hair, or the wig, alone; and at others he wore the high crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt, the former being a, kind of conical helmet, and the latter a short cap with a tall point behind, worn outside the other. He is also occasionally represented with another form of high cap. The figure of an asp, the emblem of royalty, is often tied just above his forehead, His beard was about three inches long, and one inch broad and deep, and formally plaited, The simplest royal dress was a kilt, usually reaching nearly to the knees, rather full in front, having a girdle above, from which hung before a broad band, richly ornamented, and. peculiar to the king, like the lion's tail (natural or artificial) which was attached to it behind, and reached nearly to the ground. Sometimes a large and full shirt was worn over the kilt, descending almost to the ankles, and having wide sleeves reaching to the elbow : this outer dress is occasionally simply a skirt. Both these dresses were usually of white linen, and the outer dress was apparently very fine and transparent,. Sandals were worn on the feet, and the ornaments were armlets, bracelets, both flat and broad, and deep necklaces.
The ordinary costume of men of the upper and middle classes was the &IMO as that of the king, the short kilt, with sometimes the long shirt or skirt of fine linen above it, tied in various forms. Their beards were very short, scarcely exceeding an inch in length, and of a formal square shape, and they wore the full hair or wig, or a skull-cap. They generally went barefoot, but sometimes used sandals. The priest was occasionally clad in a leopard's skin, either tied or thrown over the shoulder, or worn as a shirt, the fore-legs forming sleeves, Military personages are often represented with helmets, and sometimes with short coats or corslets of plate-mail. The royal princes were dis-tinguished by a side lock apparently curiously plaited.
The men of the lower class wore the kilt and girdle alone, or, especially when engaged in laborious work, went altogether naked. They shaved the head and face, and had no head-covering but the skull-cap. The soldiem had kilts of different kinds, and coats or eorslets of plate-mail, and either wore full hair or helmets.
The dress of the queen consisted of a tight skirt, descend-ing to the ankles, supported by shoulder-straps, and bound at the waist by a girdle, with long ends falling in front. Over this was usually worn a full shirt of fine linen, with wide sleeves reaching below the elbows, and having a broad skirt falling to the ground. It much re.sembles the upper dress of the king, or of men of the richer classes. The queen was distinguished by her head-dress, which was in the form of a vulture with outspread wings, the bird's head projecting over the forehead, and the wings falling on either side, while the tail extended behind. Sometimes the queen is also known by the royal asp above her forehead, and at other times she is represented with various forms of bead-dress. The queen also wore sandals. (For illus-trations of royal dress see COSTUME, V01, 71., p. 457-8.) The dress of ladies was the same as that of the queen, without the distinguishing ornaments, but they frequently appeared in the under garment or skirt alone. The women of the lower class wore that garment only, and some-times it was much shorter than that of the ladies, parti-cularly when they were engaged in manual labour. The women's hair was worn in the same manner as the men's, but it was of greater length, usually reaching about halfway from the shoulders to the waist, being rarely longer, and sometimes much shorter. It was ornainente■l in various ways, but the general form was always the same.
The children of all ranks were very simply dressed, when clad at all, though those of rich persons were some-times attired as their elders. Boys were distinguished by the side-lock, which the princes, as before mentioned, wore in a peculiar fashion.
Relig ion. - The credit which the Egyptian priests enjoyed in antiquity for a knowledge of philosophy led to the expectation among modern scholars that, when hieroglyphics were read, the world would recover a lost body of human speculation. The first results disappointed this expectation, but later studies have gone far to justify it. The state-ment of what those studies have achieved may be divided into the two main subjects - the teaching as to the gods and that as to man's duties and destinies, rites and ceremonies coming under both heads.
Had the Egyptians any idea of one God ? - in other words, is their religion a, complex structure raised upon a recognized monotheistic foundation I The E'gyptian religious writings are beld by ,11. de llouge to give an affirmative answer to this question. They speak of one supreme being, self-existent, sell-produeing, the creator of heaven and earth, called the double god or double being, as the parent of a second manifestation. From the idea of a supreme deity, at once father and mother, producing a second. form, probably originated a first triad like the triads of father, mother, and son frequent in Egyptian mythology. To the local divinities the attributes of th's supreme deity are given, as though they were mere personifications : that they were originally so is, however, not certain. Ita, the sun, is indeed spoken of as this supreme being, but this appears to have been a later phase of opinion. (De Rouge, " Etudes stir le Rituel Ftin6raire," Rev. .s., 356 seqq.) It was probably an attempt to substitute a popular materialistic belief for a, philosophical creed. A significant instance of this tendency is perhaps semi in the endeavour of a king of Dynasty XVIII. to abolish all wor-ship but that of the solar disk - sun-worship in its most material form.
A very ancient moral tract, the papyrus of Ptah lotep, composed under Dynasty Y., although a purely Egyptian work, mentioning Osiris and a divinity who may be a form of Osiris, yet speaks constantly of God as if the author had the idea of one God.' It also appears from one remarkablc,. fact that this idea prevailed in Egypt before the conversion of the nation to Christianity. The Copts took care to eliminate from their vocabulary all the words connected with the religion of their forefathers, substituting for them G'reek equi-valents. Their term for God is, however, not Greek but Egyptian, II01(`~+mn~, the hieroglyphic neter. They also used it for heathen objects of worship, god or goddess. These uses must therefore have been prevalent in the vulgar dialect when it was first written in Coptic.
Though it cannot peasonably he donbted that the Egyptians had a distinct idea of monotheism, this idea was mixed up with the basest polytheism. The double character which we perceive in the race and the lzuiguage, both partly Nigritian, partly Semitic, is equally evident in the religion. Every town in Egypt had its sacred annual, or fetish, and every town, its local divinities. As the aniinal worship was associated with higher ideas by the union of an animal's head with the body- of a man in the figures of divinities, so the local divinities were connected with the monotheistic idea by intermediate forms, principally identifying them with Ra, who thus was the generally received form of the notion of one god. Accord-ing to this view monotheism was not the parent of poly-theism, but in a later phase connected with it.
One great change affected the essential ideas of the Egyptian religion. For many centuries Seth, specially the divinity of Lower Egypt, who seems to have represented then, as certainly afterwards, the destructive power of nature, held a place in the Pantheon, although regarded as the adversary of Osiris and thus of mankind, whom, how-ever, Ile finally befriends. He seems thus to have a charac-ter of necessary evil. At length, after the Empire, he was expelled front the Pantheon. This may have been because the worship of Seth was repugnant to a reigning house of Asiatic origin, which might have held the Persim dualism which identified physical and moral evil. It may have been because Seth had been considered to be the divinity of the eastern neighbours of Egypt, and with their success and the fall of Egyptian supremacy- had come to be thought hostile to that country. If this were the cause, the kings who proscribed his worship could have had no relation to the nations supposed to reverence Seth. In effect the change identified physical and moral evil and destroyed the earlier philosophical notions on the subject, besides introducing some confusion into the Pantheon.
Herodotus speaks of orders of gods, Manetho of divine dynasties. The explanation is to be found in the worship at each town of a cycle of gods. This cycle is called " the society of the gods," or " the nine gods." M. de Roug6 does not admit the second rendering except as a plural of excellence (" Etudes," Rev. n.s., 237). The num-ber varies at different places and in different lists at the same place, but is always nearly or exactly nine. The Egyptians themselves explained this cycle as the self-development of Ra ; the other gods were in this view his attributes (De Rouge, 236, 237 ; Rif. xvii. 2, 3). Two forms of the cycle acquired the highest importance as repre-senting the systems of the learned men of -Memphis and Thebes, the successive great capitals of Egypt.' The two systems are thus given by Professor Lep-sins2 The views of Professor Lepsius on the origin and consti-tution of these systems, with such modifications as later researches have suggestel, may now be given. We first observe that the two systems are but variations, and may be treated as one. They consist of male divinities, most of whom are associated with goddesses. These goddesses hold an inferior place, and are not to be counted in reckon-ing the nmnber of the order, except perhaps Isis, whose importance is much greater than that of the others. An examination of the various forms of the two systems immediately suggests that they increased in course of time, Ptah and Amen, the chief gods of Memphis and Thebes, having been added for state reasonF, The order thus reduced consists of two groups, the group of and that of Osiris. The group of Ra is vs-holly of solar gods, the group of Osiris begins with Seb and ends with Hathor. Sebek then stands alone, but he is wanting in the older lists, and is only an addition of the Theban system.
The solar group consists of Ra, or else Mentn and Atm, and Shu. Mentn and Atmu are merely a division of Ra into his two chief phases, the rising and the setting sun, the sun of the upper and of the lower world. Both are solar divinities (Brugsch, Geogr. luselir., i. 254.) Situ, the solar light, is the son of Ra or of Mentu or Atmu ; Tefnet, the goddess associated with him, is the daughter of .Ra.
The Osiris group is not genealogically connected with the solar group. The central point of the group is found in Osiris, with his consort Isis and his opponent Seth. Seb and Nut are merely extensions of the gronp upwards. They are, however, spoken of as parents of the gods, showing that they represent the commencement of a series. Osiris, Isis, Seth, and Neplithys were usually considered their children, and Horns, the child of Osiris and Isis. Hathor ig associated with Horns, but her genealogical place is not clear. It is, however, certain that she is of the fainily of Osiris. The characteristics of this group are predominantly cosmic ; this is true of the myth of Osiris, and consequently of the whole group, and is especially evident in the eases of Osiris and Isis, Seth, and Seb and Nut.
How did these two groups come to be united in a single series'? Professor Lepsius argues that this was due to the influence of Thinis, the oldest Egyptian royal seat, from which the first historic king Menes came to Lower Egypt and founded Memphis. Thinis at a very early time merged into the more famous Abydos. Abydos was the great seat of the worship of Osiris, which spread all over Egypt, establishing itself in a remarkable manner at :Memphis. All the mysteries of the Egyptians and their whole doctrine of the future state attach themselves to this worship. Osiris was identified with the sun, and the union of the two groups was thus not forced. Both had indeed a common origin. Sun-worship was the primitive form of the Egyptian religion, perhaps even pre-Egyptian. The first development was the myth of Osiris, due to the importance of Thinis, just as the rise of Memphis put Ptah, an abstract idea, of intellectual power, even before Ra. So the rise of Thebes introduced Amen, who was identified in the form Amen-ra with lia, and as.an intellectual principle placed before the physical solar powers. This argument derives great weight from the relative position given to the two groups, the solar divinities coming first, and from the circumstance that the religious reform under Dynasty XVIII. suppressed everything but material sun-worship, as though this had been the primitive belief of Egypt.3 M. de Rouge, in his examination of the Egyptian Ritual, comes to a similar but more d efi n i te result in treating of the mythological elements of the important seventeenth chapter. He traces the solar gods to Heliopolis, and considers the Osiris myth as proba.bly derived from Abydos, and added at a later time.1 Professor Lepsius doe,s not admit the Heliopolite origin of the solar group, on account of the small political importance of Heliopolis. 1.'et tlie circumstance that the chief divinities of that city, which had the sacred name Pe-ra, the abode of Ra, were Atmu, Shu, and Tefnet xviii, 4, ap. Brugsch, Geogr. Inschr., i. 254, cf. 233) seems conclusive.2 Some account may now he given of these divinities in more than the simplest particulars, and many names in the Pantheon must be omitted altogether.
lta, the sun, is usually represented as a hawk-headeet man, occasionally as a nia33, in both cases generally bearing on his head the solar disk, round which the umus, symbolic of royal power, is sometimes coiled. IIis symbol is either the solar disk or the hawk. Ra had the most general worship of any Egyptian divinity, except Osiris. The worship of Osiris under his own name was more common than that of Ila under his, but this was in some degree compensated for by the union of Ea with. other gods besides solar ones, such as Amen, NUM, Sebek, forming the compound divinities Amen-ra, Num-ra, Sebek-ra (Lepsitis, .Erst. fieg. Gotterkreis), and by his beir.g the type of sovereignty-, so that each king was a Ea son of Ea. This importance of his worship was due to the adoption of R. as the leaaing representative of the supreme being,, from whom indeed he is sometimes 'indistinguishable in tuella-1ml, though' as already noticed this does. not seen) to have been the primitive opinion, for there are evidenc,es of his infeeiority to the supreme god and to Osiris (De Rouge, " Etudes," Rev. n.s. , 358). In the religions paintings he is the supreme being, carrying on in his course a constant warfare with and triumph over evil, repre-sented, by the great serpent Apap, a wholly evil being, not a divinity. His careen resembles that of Osiris, but with notable differences. Ita is purely solar. He is rarely associated with any consort, and if so associated his consort is a female Ea (Lepsius, Erst. (Atter-kreis). Ile is always victorious. Ile protects mankind, but has nothing in common with therm Osiris on the other hand is only solar because lie is tile beneficent power of nature. He is con-stantly associated with Isis. Ile has a life-long conflict with a maleficent power, his brother or S311 Seth, who is not wholly evil. Vanquisdied and killed he recovers his life and wins, but it is rather Horns his son who wins, and Horus, a sun-god, is the direct link with Ea in the Osiris fawdly. Osiris protects mankind because his life resembled theirs : if he did not live on earth, at 1.,!ast his tomb was shown there. At Heliopolis two animals saered to Ita were reverenced, the black bull Ilfnevis, sacred to Ea and Atinu, and the Phoenix (13ennu) sacred to Ea. Both are connected with Osiris, the bull by the worship of Apis at Heliopolis, the Pluenix as also representing Osiris (I3rugsch, Geogr. hisehr., i. 257, 258). In addition the sacred Persea-tree was reverenced at In the attempt -under Dynasty XVIII. to establish sun-worship in an original or ideal simplicity, the only representation is the solar disk with the miens entwined round it, and rays ending in human hands, one of which offers the symbol of life to the worshipper. The great sun-temple then founded contained no statue whatever (Lepsius, Erst. flag. Gotterkreis).
Merin' and Atinn may best be noticed together as merely tto phases of Ea, representing, as already stated, the rising and the setting sun, the sun of the upper and the lower world. Their twin-character is seen in the circumstance that Mentu was worshipped at Southern An (liermonthis) and Antra at Northern Au (Helio-polis, the On of the Bible). Mentn, or Mentu-ra, is represented as Ea with the tall plumes of Amen, Atunt in a human for3n. Both cannot be disting,uished from lta except that probably their attri-butes were more restricted, and while Moitu seems to be within identical with Ita, the human form of Atmu may perhaps hiut a relation to Osiris.3 Sim is light, and is a type of celestial force, for he is represented supporting the goddess of -heaven. de Rouge remarks that it is curious to find in this ancient cosmogony the principle of force identified with the luminous principle ("Etudes," /kr. 2,?5, 236). lIis fi,gure is human and he sometimes bears on his head the ostrich-feather, which, though the in itial of his name, mustherc have its symbolical sense of " truth." The relation of light and truth is not less remarkable than that of light and force. Tefnet, associated with Shu in the cycle, is represented with the head of a lioness. This is the most common compound form of Egyptian goddesses, as the hawk-headed cf the gods. Both are connected with solar worship. The lioness was probably chosen as the highest form of the family to which the luminous-eyed eat, one of the most popular of the sacred animals, belonged.
Seb stands at the head of the family of Osiris. Ile is repre-sented in human form like his consort Nut. They are called " father of the gods" and "bearer of the gods.'' Seb was the god of the earth (De Ronge, Ibid. 238), and Nut the goddess of heaven. Her name means the abyss, though curiously the primordial abyss is called, in ch. xvii. of the Ritual, nu, in the masculine (Ibid. 359).
Osiris, in Egyptian Hesiri, is usually represented as a mummy, wearing the royal cap of Upper Egypt, which may indicate the Thiuite origin of his worship, or that, as Horns and Seth were the special divinities of Upper and.Lower Egypt, so ho was particularly connected with the tipper country. His cap is usually flanked by ostrich plumes, which probably have a reference to Ma-t the goddess cf truth and justice. The myth of Osiris is the most interesting because the most human part of Egyptian mythology. It is im-possible to attempt a full account of it : the materials have yet to be gathered. We cannot accept the treatise Oil Isis and 08iTiS representing the older form of the myth. ln different documents we seem to trace its growth, and notably do we find in those later than Dyn. XXII. the change due to the altered theory of good and evil. Yet the general outlines are the same in what we may eason-ably hold to be the earliest documents. It is these that are, as far as possible, used here.
Osiris is essentially the good principle : hence his name lin-nefer, the good being, rather than the revealer of good ("gasper°, Histore Ancienne, 38). Like Ea he is the creator, and like him in perpetual warfare with evil. Ilis brother, or son, Typhon, Seth (Set), is his opponent. They are light and darkness, physical good and evil, the Nile and the desert, Egypt and the foreign land. Osiris is certainly moral good, Seth is to a certain extent moral evil. 'Throughout the Ritual they are in conflict for right and wrong, for the welfare and destruction of the human soul. In ch. XVII., Wiliell was preserved intact from a remote age, this conflict appears. Seth is, however, not there distinctly named as the opponent of Osiris, except in the glosses, which may be as old or (like the case of the Mislina and the Gemara) older than the. text, and once in the text he appears as joining with Horns his adversary in accomplishing the final condition of the deceased who had 3-eached the abode of happiness (ver. 35); and on the other hand, one gloss explains the executioner of souls to be Seth, but otherwise Horns the elder, brother of Osiris, who is but a variation of the younger Horns Nen 33). Yet the opposition of Osiris and Seth is a perpetual combat. Osiris is vanquished. He is cut in pieces and submerged in the wat....r. -Watched by his sisters, Isis his consort and Nuplithys the con-sort of Seth, he revives. Horns his son avenges him, and with the aid of Thoth, or reason, he destroys the power of Seth, but does not annihilate him. The myth is a picture of the daily life of the sun, combating darkness yet at last succumbing to it, to appear again in renewed splendour, as the young Hollis a solar god triumphs over Seth. It is also a picture of human life, its perpetual conflict and final seeming destination, to be restored in the new youth of a brighter existence. In this view suffering is not wholly evil, but has its beneficent aspect in the accomplishment of final good. 'There are two .vays of explaining the origin of this myth. Either we 3nay regard Osiris as the sun of the night, and so the protector of those who pass away into the rordni of shades, or WC may suppose that once taken as the type and ruler of mankind in the after slate, the hiddeu sun was naturally chosen to represent him, the sun being with the Egyptians the sonrce and governor of all life. Those who make the solar idea the first form of the myth have to explain its specially human aspect, and particularly why we see no such aspect in any deep sense in the case of Atilin the sun of the night in the group of solar divinities.
It will be easily seen how such a story took ho'd of the affections of the Egyptians. Osiris was the type of humanity, its struggles, its sufferings, its temporary defeat, and its final victory. The liv-ing, and still more the dead, were identificd with him. Under his name, without distinction of sex, they passed into the hidden place because the word tuin has the sense nian, and may be thus a play upon the name of the divinity (cf. De Rouge, " Etudes," 350, 351), but rt is more likely that Tam is here used as Osiris everywhere to indicate the divine quality of the justified.
(Amend), the divine world below (Ker-neter), to be protected by him in their conflict with Seth and his g-enii, and to have their final state determined by him as their judge. lt was to Osiris that the prayers and offerings fur the dead were made, and all sepulchral inscrip-tions, except those of the oldest period, are directly allressed to hint As Isis is a form of the female principle, Osii is, the sun and the Nile, WaS considered in one phase to be the male principle. The Osiris of Mendes wa.s the name of this form, which was inure especially by- the name of Mendes.
The three most famous of those more sacred animals which were worshipped as individuals, not as a class, were the bulls Apis and Mnevis and the Mendesian goat. Of these Apis and the Mendesian goat were connected with the worship of Osiris. Manetho says that all these animals were first reckoned among the gods under a very earlv Egyptian Pharaoh, Kaieelffis, in Egyptian Ka-kau, second king of lip" 11.' It is very characteristio of the Egyptian religion that the reverence for Osiris should have taken this grossly-material form.
The bull Apis, who hears in Egyptian the same name as the Nile, 1111pi, was worshipped at Memphis. Here M. Marlette discovered a series of the tombs of these bulls, with tablets recording, the reigns in which they were buried, and in several cases further exact par-ticulars of date, thus affording important chronological evidence. Apis was considered to be the living emblem of Osiris, and was thus connected with the sun and the Nile, and the chronological aspect of both explains his being also connected with the moon. On the death of an Apis, a successor was sought for and recognized by certain marks. He was then inaugurated and worshipped during his lifetime. (See Anis.) Sarapis, or Serapis, in Egyptian Hesiri-Hitpi, is the defunct Apis, who has become Osiris. The great extension of the worship cr Sarapis, after the importation of his statue by Ptolemy I., was merely a development of long existing Egyptian ideas. Hence the apid spread and great popularity of this worship. (See Smiaris.) Mendesian goat had no special name. He is called. the Ran:. Ile was considered an emblem of Ra and Shu as well as of Seb and Osiris, but probably he was chiefly sacred. to Osiris, and in his solar aspect, which would thus introduce the relation to the more markedly solar gods. The seat of his worship was Mendes in the eastern part of the Delta, where Dr Briigsch has discovered a very interesting stele of the reign of Ptolemy II., Philadelphns, giving the history of the finding and inauguration of a sacred ram, and of the honour paid to and to his temple. His worship was similar to that of Apis, but of a grosser form, inasmuch as the goat or rain was a symbol of the productive force of nature.= Isis, or Hes, represented as a woman bearing on her head her emblem the throne, or the solar disk and cow's horns, is the female form of Osiris. Unlike Rs, the Osiris family have ccusorts ; but no one is so distinctly as Isis a counterpart and of equal importance. Thorigh the place of Isis is not as significant as that of Osiris in tlic myth to which they belong, she is necessary to it, and this is pro-bably the reason why she attained an importance beyond the othet Egyptian goddesses except only Hathor, who is but another Isis.
Seth, the Egyptian Set, usually called by the Greeks Typhon, is represented with the head of a fabulous animal, having a pointed snout and high square ears. He was the brother or son3 and oppo-nent of Osiris, the divinity of the enemies of Egypt, and the chief of the powers which fought with the human soul in the after life. I lc certainly represents physical evil. It would be easy to account for his worship in Egypt were it not for his appearing as the enemy of gods as well as of men. There is indeed something illogical in his holding a place in the Pantheon, which gains consistency hy his expulsion, though the consequent confusion of morn] and physical evil was detrimental to ethical ideas. It is remarkable as showing the Egyptian notion of Seth while lie was still worshipped, that in the Tombs of the Kings at Thebes, those whose names are composed with his, Setee 1. and II., and Set-neklit, use instead the name of Osiris. This seems to have been sometimes done afterwards by a change in the inscriptions, but still at the thne when the tombs were first completed, and thus while the reverence of Seth; as is shown ny these royal names, was in full bloom (1,cpsins, Erst. "leg. 05lterkrcis). The subsequent change of opinion as to Seth, his identification with moral evil, and his consequent expulsion from the Pantheon have been already noticed. In consequence his figure and name are usually effaced on the monuments, and other gods take his place in the cycles in which he had a position. In later times Seth is the enemy of all good, feared and hated, but no longer reverenced. The date of the change is as yet undetermined. It has been usnally assigned to the Dribastite kings who composed Dyn. XXII. M. Marlette has discovered the anions fact that one of those kings, a hitherto unknown Osorkon, altered the figure of Seth in the legends of Ramses II. at Tanis to that of a Set-Ra (.4.1-usec Boulak, p. 273). Was this the beginning, of the change ?
Neplithys, or Nebti, the sister of Osiris and Isis, and conscit of Seth, does not, as far as the Egyptian documents tell its, share his character. It is rather the sister of Isis that she there appears, aiding her in her labours to recover and revive OSiliS. TIII1S like Isis she is a protector of the dead, and her figure and worship escaped the fate of those of Seth.
Horns, or Har, is in the cycles the son of Osiris and Isis. Time is also a Horns the elder, Hararis, liar-oer, brother of Osiris, and a, Horns the child, Harpocrates, Har-pe-khruti, son of Osiris and Isis, and two other forms, liar-Hut, the Ilorus of Hut or Apollmo-polis Magna, and Har-ein-akhu, " Horns in the horizon." Horns is generally- hawk-headed, and thus a solar ged connected with This connection is pelhaps strongest in the form Har-ein-akliu, worshipped at Heliopolis sometimes even as Ra-Idar-ein-aldin. The most interesting form is that of Horns as the son and avenger of Osiris. Osiris being identified with the sun of the night, Horns is naturally the sun of the day. From this identification arose the idea of an infant Horns as the rising sun. As Horns took the place of Osiris in the contest with Seth, lie becarne the elder Hems, to be on an equality with his opponent, who seems oftener the brother than the son of Osiris. Specially Horns is the ruler of Upper Egypt, and the typical kin," of Egypt as much as Rs. It is indeed so hard to distinguish gorns from Rs that it seems fin-possible to hold. any opinion but that they had their might in separate religions systems.
Hathor, Athos, or Hat-har, whose name means " the abode of Horns," is hard to distinguish from Isis.4 She was worshipped with Isis at Dendarali (Diimichen, Ba-uurkunde del Tempdanlagcm ron Dendera, 3, 4) and 1)1 Brugsch even supposes the local goddess to have been lsis-Hathor (Geogr. Inschr., i. 202, 203), but this he has not proved, for the representations and titles are different for the twc goddesses (cf. 1.c.). cow was sacred tc both Hathoi and Isis, and both wear the disk and cow's. horns. Hathor in the form of a cow plays an important part in Amenti (cf. Diimichen, ibid. 21; Mariette, Musee Boldaq, 118, 119). Curionsly she is more widely reverenced than even Isis. She is really the, female counter. part of Osiris. She was, like Min, worshipped throughout Egypt, and the great temple of Adfoo contains a list of oyez three hundred names of the goddess in hei local forms (Diimiehen, ibid. 20). Still more remarkably, in late times, the cow, here the symbol ot Hathor, not seldom takes the place of the name of Osiris as applied to women decea.sed : instead of taking the form of Osiris, they take that of Hathor (ibid. 21). It is characteristic of the Egyptian religion that this irregularity should occur, and we may well hesitate to attempt to define the place of Hathor in tlic Pantheon (Mariette, Boulaq, 118), though M. Diimichen has made this endeavorir in a very interesting passage, that could be accepted had lie given sufficient authority from the monuments, and not shown traces of the influence of Greek interpretation, besides too great a, tendency to rea.son on the negative evidence of the simple statements of the earlier nioninnents (Ibid. 20, scqq.).
Plitha, or Ptali, the Egyptian Ilephsestus, is the first to be noticed of the divinities introduced into the chief cycles after their formation. Ilis name is one of the Egyptian words which can be recognized letter for letter in Hebrew (f1;_19 " he opened, began," and (Piel) "carved "); and the sense is shnilar. Ptali is thus the divine architect (cf. Brugsch, Ifistoire, 2d ed., 21). He was the chief god of Memphis, worshipped under a human form, sometimes as a pigmy, supposed to be an embryo, He was the creative force, hut seemingly not as thesun. Thoughwhen connected with the local formof Osiris worshipped at Memphis under the name Sekeri-Hesiri, and then called. Ptah-Sekeri-Hesiri, he is sometiinos hawk-headed, this is rather with a reference to Horns than to Ra. Perhaps Professor lepsius's view that he is put before Ra in the Memphite form of the cycle as a.n abstract idea of intellectual power is the true one. lf so, it seems probable that the svorship of Ptah was of foreign origin.
Amnion, the Egyptian Amen, " the hidden," probably owed his importance to the greatness of Thebes, the chief Egyptian seat of his worship. He seems to derive his characteristics from his association with other gods. As Amen-ra lie takes the qualities of the san ; as Aincii-ra ba-mut-f, " the husband of his mother," he takes those of Min or Khein, the. productive principle. Rarely he has the raua-headed form tbat Greek notions would: lead us to expect.
Sebek, the crocodile-beaded god, seems to have held a similar place to Seth. There may have been a time when he was reverenced throngbout Egypt, but in the Grreco-Roman period he was a local divinity so disliked in most parts of Egypt that, as:tire:lily noticed, the Arsinoitc nome where he was worshipped does not appear in the geographical lists. llis sacred animal the crocodile was held in abhorrence and hunted wherever Sebek was not reverenced (ef. Brugsch, Hist., 2(1. ed., 106, 107).
Thoth, or Tauut, is the head of the second cycle in the two principal forms of the cycles. As the chief moon-god he thus takes an inferior place corresponding to that of Ra. Ile is generally represented as ibis-headed, and frequently bears the disk and crescent of the 'noon. He is the ,god of letters and of the reckoning of time, and thus sometimes bas solar attributes. The ibis and the eynocephalus were sacred to him. As the deity of wisdom he aids Horus in his conflict with Seth, and records the judg-ment of the decea.sed before Osiris. Ile appears in Phoenician mythology, though not at a period early enough for us to infer that his worship was not borrowed horn Egypt. Yet it is not impossible that here, as in the ease of Plitha, we have a trace of early Eastern influence. I t is at least remarkable that the. great seat of his worship, Hermopolis Magna, bearing in. ancient Egyptian the civil name Sesennu, also Pe-sesennu and Ila-sesentin, Eight, or the preaches the Semitic form (Brugsch, Geogr. Inschr., I. 219). Was the elmn,,oe in the Coptic numeral due to an ancient form of the name of this celebrated city the goddess of truth, succeeds Thoth in a fragment of the list of the dynasties of the gods in the Turin chronological papyms. She is characterized by the ostrich-feather, the emblem of truth, upon her head. She thus corresponds to Sim, holding the corre-sponding place. Thoth is called her husband (Lepsiug, Iientigsbiteh, taf. iii. 22), but she is not his consort at liermopolis (Brugsch, Geogr. In,sehr., i. 220). She is the daughter of the sun. Iler place in the myth of Osiris is very important, for it is in her hall, where she is called the Two Truths, that the deceased are judged.
Anubis, or Anup, jackal,headed, probably held in one system the next place to Ma-t. lie below's to the family of Osiris, being called the son of that divinity. Ire presided over mummification. ln the earliest sepulchral inscriptions the divinity addressed is Anubis, not Osiris. No reason has yet been discovered. for this. There can be little donbt that Osiris was always intended, and that the earliest inseliptions, for some reason connected with the Egyp-tian reticence as to this divinity, address Anubis.
The four genii of Amenti were inferior divinities connected with embalming. They were called Amset, Tiu-mut-f, and liebli-senuf. The vases found in Egyptian tombs which bear covers the forms of the heads of these genii were intended to contain the viscera of the mummy, as it was held to be of importance that every part of the body should be preserved.
The rest of the principal- Egyptian gods may now be noticed as far a.s possible in the order of their importance. It umst, however, be remembered, that we are likely to be misled by the abundant monuments of Upper Egypt, and the scantiness of those of Lower Egypt, and that therefore we cannot yet decide which were insig-nificant members of the Pantheon.
Chnuphis, or lilinum, represented with a ram's head, and to whom the ram was sacred, is the soul of the universe, and thus is spoken of as thc creator Planate, Musee Boulag, 113). lie was specially worshipped in Nubia, and at the First Cataract, with his consort Sati, the goddess of the inundation (Brugseh, Geogr. Ludt., i. 150, seqq). lie is closely connected with Amen.
The Egyptian Pau, the god of Panopolis, or Chemmis, wa.s or Khein, the productive principle, a form of Osiris. Ire was worshipped at Panopolis with a form of Isis as his consort (Brugseli, ibid., 212 segg.) lt is remarkable that he was connected with Amen at 'Thebes, for the myth of Amu and that of Osiris are singularly apart.
Mendes, or Ba-neb-tet, is merely a local form of Osiris, lord ot Mendes, connected with the worship of the sacred ram, or Mende-sian goat (Brugsch, ibid., 207, 203, 271, 272 ; Iiceords of the Past, viii. 91).
Neith, or Nit, worshipped at Sais, identified by the Greeks with Athena, is one of the few goddesses who held the first place iu local worship. From the idea of a supreme being., single and self-producing, arose that of a female aspect of this being. Thus Klima is called, as representing this tieing, " the father of fathers, the mother of mothers" (Marlette, Masee Boulaq, 113). This would suggest the personification of a female principle. This principle seems specially represented by the higher goddesses, like Neith, who is called the mother who bare the sun, the first born, but not begotten, born" (13rugsch, Geogr. laschr., i. 217). She wears the crown of Lower Egypt, where she was principally worshipped.
Puldit, or &I.:het, and Bast, are two forms of one goddess diffi-cult to distinguish. They are both usually lioness-headed, though sometimes they have the head of the eat, their sacred animal. Paklit was worshipped at :Memphis as the consort of. Naha ; Bast seems to have held a place at her city Bubastis like that of Nei:it at Sais. The monuments identify Hathor with Bast, mid Isis with both Paklit and Bast, Hathor being called " Lady of Bubastis," while Isis is spoken of as " bringing misfortune as the goddess Pakht, bringing peace as the goddess Bast" (Champ., Not. Nun. 192, ap. Brugseh, Geogr. i. 276). Paklit and Bast thus represent a double nature, not unlike the two prineiples in the Osiris ntyth (Mariette, Musee Boulog,1106 ; Brugseli, Geogr. Insehr., i. 275, 276). Pakht and Bast were identified with Artemis (Brugsch, ibid., 224, 275).
Mut, the "mother," consort of Amen-ra at Thebes, is, as her name implies, another embodiment of the female principle, though not in so important atonal as Neith, so far as our present know lsdge goes.
Kliuns, worshipped at Thebes as the son of Amen and Mut, is a lunar divinity wearing the disk end crescent of the moon, his hair being plaited in the side-lock of a child. Sometimes he is hawk-headed, and thus connected with the sun. As a divinity mainly lunar his inferior place is accounted for.
The goddess Suben, identified with Eileithyia or Lueino, was worshipped at the town Eilethyia. Site was especially the mother-goddess, and the goddess of southern Egypt; her symbol, that of maternity, was the vulture (Marlette, Musee Poulag, 121).
The goddess corresponding to Suben was Uati, or Buto, who was the protector of the north, and whose emblem was the urteus serpent.
Onuris, or Anher, was the local deity of the ancient city of Tbinis. Ilis functions are not clearly defined.
luiliotep, identified by the Greeks with tEseulapius, was the son of Ptah and Paklit, and with them formed the triad of blemphis. Ile is probably- the god of the sciences, and similar to Thoth (Mariette, ibid. 117, 118).
The Nile as a divinity bears the same name as the sacred Mem-phite bull, Mild, probably meaning " the concealed." Ile is represented as a man witlt pendent breasts, to indieate the fertility of the river. A hymn to the Nile by Enna, who flourished under bletiptalt, the successor of Itemises 1I. (Dyn. shows how completely even an inferior Egyptian diviiiity 'was ideetilied with the supreme god, and with the principal members of the Pantheon (Select Papyri, cxxxiv.-exxxix.; blaspero, i/ ....imtne Nil, a critical edition, and Records of the Past, iv. 105, son., an elegant translation by the Rev. F. C. Cook).
The Egyptian divinities were frequently associated in triads, temples being dedicated to one of these lesser cycles, consisting of father, mother, and child. The child is almost always a son. It is extremely difficult to make out a local triad in several CLUA'F., where there were two chief local diviuities, or where the chief divinity was a goddess. At Thebes the triad was Amen-ra, Mut, and Mums ; at Memphis, Ptali, Pant or Sekhet, and 1 inhotep at Ombos there were two triads, Sebek, Hathor, and nuns, Haruer, Ta.sen-nefert, and Pnebto-pkhrut ; the triad of Nubia and at Elepliantine was Num, Sati, and the goddess Ank-t ; at Apolline-polls Magna, liar-Hut, Ilat-har, and Ilar-iikhrut ; at Eatopolis, Num, Nebuut, and Ilar-pkhrut; at Ilernionthis, blunt, Ra-ta, and Har-pkItrut ; mid Osiris, Isis, and Horns, throughout Egypt. The third member of the triad always belongs to an inferior rank, and is sometimes a child-god (khrut), as will be observed in the thice eases iu which liar-pkhrut (Harpuerates) occurs, and the similar instance of Puebto-pkhrut. blueli of our knowledge of the Egyptian triads is founded on late documents of the Ptolemaic and Roman temples, and. it is possible that the idea may have not been as much developed in earlier times. The whole subject requires a careful investigation.
The Egyptian notions as to the cosmogony are too closely identified with mythology to be very clearly defined. It seems, however, that they held that the heavenly, aby ss was the abode of the supreine deity, who there produced the sun and the moon as well as the rest of the Pantheuti. Yet it is stated in one gloss in the Ritual t4t the abyss itself was the supreme deity. (cf. De Itouge, " Etudes," Rev. Arch., n.s., i. 235, seql.). The aspect of the passages of the Rituu/ in which these ideas are developed seems as if clue to the attempt to introduce philosophical ideas into the mythology, as though the Egyptians iiatl some notion of the origin of things independent of that mythology.
The worship of the Egyptian deities was public and plivate - that of the temples and that of the tombs. Every town had at least one temple dedicated to the chief divinity of the place, with certain associated gods, and usually, if not always, a living- symbol in the form of a sacred animal supposed ta be animated by the, chief local divinity. The services were conducted by priests, and on occasions by the king, and by scribes, who sometimes formed a college and lived at the temples, the various duties of which required the services of learned men. It is probable that the common people had a very small share in the religious services, the most important of which took place in the smaller inner chambers, which could never have admitted many worshippers. The outer conrts, and still more the great inclosures containing the whole group of temple-buildings, must, however, have been the chief public resort for business aud pleasure. There were no other public build-ings, or, apparently, market-places. Like the modern mosque, the temple, must have been the chief ceutre of the population.
The worship in the tombs was not local. It was always connected with Osiris or a divinity of the same group, and had the inteution of securing benefits for the deceased in the future state. It took place in the chapel of each tomb of the wealthy; and though properly the function of the family, whose members officiated, the inscriptious invite all passers-by, as they ascend or descend the Nile, overlooked by the sepulchral grottoes, to say a prayer for the welfare of the chief person there buried.
The sacrifices were of animals and vegetables, with liba-tions of wine, and burning of incense. Human sacrifice seems to have been practised in early periods. The monuments do not mention it, but Manetho speaks of its having been abolished, at least at one place, by AmiIsis, no doubt the first king of Dynasty XVIII. The reference is probably to some barbarous usage during the great war with the Shepherds,' The origin and destiny of man in the Egyptian religion is now known to us on the authority of its own documents, which in the main confirm what Greek writers had already stated on the subject. The aspect of the Egyptian teaching is either that of a simple theory, which was afterwards mythically interpreted, or of a union of such a theory with a superstition existing side by side with it. In the famous seventeenth chapter of the Ritual it is possible, as De Rouge has done with extraordinary skill, to extract from the text a consistent theory which the glosses confuse by- the mythological turn they give to the simple statements of the text. Notwithstanding this difficulty, it is suffi-ciently- clear that the Egyptians attributed. to the human soul a divine origiu, that they held that it was throughout life engaged in the warfare of good and evil, and that after life its final state was determined by judginent according to tts doings on earth. Those who were justified before Osiris passed into perpetual happiness, those who were condemned into perpetual misery. The justified tuok the name of Osiris, the judge, uuder which they indeed already appeared for judgment.
Ilad this plain outline been left unfilled by the priests, the Egyptians rnight have been credited with a lofty philosophy, Unfortunately, however, a thousand super-stitions took the place of the attempt to lead an honest life. In the tombs we find every one who could pay for a sculptured record characterized as justified, every mummy already an Osiris. How was this determined Possibly there was a council held, which decided that the deceased could be treated as one who was certain of future happiness. It is, however, raore probable that the learning certaiu prayers and incantations, the performance of ceremonies, and the whole process of embalming, together with the charms attached to the mummy, and prayers said by those who visited the tomb, were held to secure future happiness. In reading the Ritual we are struck by the small space given to man's duties as compared with that filled by incantations and charms. The human mind must have lost sight of the value of good and seized upon the multifarious equivalents which needed nothing to be done by way of either self-restraint from evil or active bene. volence, Thus as we look at the documents we see a noble idea lost in a crowd of superstitious fancies; as we look at the Egyptians as they lived, we trace the effect of the in-domitable good, and yet tind it alway-s greatly alloyed with evil. The Egyptian idea of the future state is the converse of that of Socrates. It is no little incident of human weakness, like the request to sacrifice a cock to JEsculapius, which injures but does not destroy a harmonious whole ; mere glimpse of truth is seen through thick mists peopled with the phantoms of the basest superstition.
In the long course of ages the Egyptian ideas as to the future state seem to have undergone changes, not in them-selves, but in the manner in which they were regarded. The vast labour expended on the Pyramids, and their solid situplicity, are in striking contrast with the elaborate religious representations of the tombs of the kings of Dynasties XIX. and XX. Su, too, the sculptures on the walls of the tombs of subjects of the earlier kings, representing the everyday life of duty and pleasure, give place to funereal and religious scenes in the later periods. These were fashions, but they show the changed mood of the national mind. It is only in a tablet of the ago of the Ptolemies that Greek ideas assert their pre-dominance in a touching lament addressed from the land of shades, which no longer speaks of active happiness, but in its place of purposeless oblivion (I3irch, " Two Tablets of the Ptolemaic Period," Arclurologia, xxxix. 22, 23).
Laws antl Government. - We are gladually gaining an in-sight into the Egyptian laws. This is principally due te Chabas, the third volume of whose Melanges .ggyptolu-gigues mainly consists of essays, nearly all by himself, on texts relative to the administra.tion of justice under the Pharaohs. His general results confirm the accuracy of what Diodorus Siculus and Plutarch state on the subject. It was to be expected that their evidence would have been good as to matters which could not have been easily mis-understood, and which must in the case of Diodorus have been personally observed. In this matter the two sets of authorities may fairly be combined.
The government of Egypt was monarchical. It was determined as early as the rule of Dynasty II., according to Manetho, that women could reign. Accordingly we find instances of queens regnant. Their rule, however, seems to have been disliked, and they are passed over in the lists made under Dynasty XIX., when, it may be ob-served, the royal family seems to have been affected by Shemite influences. The royal power can scarcely- have been despotic, although under certain kings it became so. It is sufficient to compare Assyrian and Babylonian with Egyptian history and documents to perceive a marked difference. The earliest monuments indicate a povverful local aristocracy holding hereditary functions. Those of the. Empire (Dynasties XVIII.–XX.) scarcely indicate any such class. Even the princes are no longer a royal clan, but the children of the reigning sovereign. The whole system of government rests. with the king, who appoint& all the functionaries and dismisses them at his pleasure. Hence arose a vast and corrupt bureaucracy, to which the decay- of Egypt may have been mainly- due. At all times the country was governed by nomarchs and lesser officers. In the earliest period these were local magnates whose office was at least sometimes hereditary, and whose interest it was to promote the welfare of their districts. Under the Empire governments seem to have been mere places of profit given by favour and held by force and corruption, according to the Turkish method.
The laws were administered by judges appointed by the king. It is certain that commissions for an occasion were thus formed. We do not know that there were judges ap-pointed for life ; but it is probable that such was the ease, as it must have been the duty of a class to be thoroughly acquainted with the written laws. A legal scribe may, however, have been attached to each commission.' All the particulars of each ease, though not necessarily submitted in writing, were recorded, and the decision was written. The process was conducted with great care, and the culprit examined on his oath. The punishments probably were not extrernelysevere. For murder, but not for manslaughter, death was the penalty. Adultery was severely- punished, perhaps rather by custom than by- law. Theft was rigor-ously prosecuted. For sacrilegious theft the criminal was punished with death. The laws relating to debt are not yet well known. They appear to have been complicated by a system of loans and pawning, and to have been sub. ject to modifications. Of the tenure of land we know little. The temple-lands seem to have been held in perpetuity, and this was probably the case with private domains in the earliest period (De Rouge, Six Prem. Dyn., 255, note 1).
Army. - We know little as yet of the organization of the Egyptian army, but much of its arms and mode of conduct-ing warfare. It consisted from very early times of foreigners as well as Egyptians. The Egyptian troops seem to have been a military caste, though not in the strictest sense, and to have had certain lands allotted to them. There were two main divisions of the army, - a chariot-force, in which each chariot contained an archer and a charioteer, and was drawu by two horses; and a force of foot-soldiers variously armed, chiefly heavy infantry, armed with shield and spear, sword, axe, or mace, and light infantry, with bow, and axe or falchion, as well as slingers. It may be noticed that flint-tipped arrows were used in the chase. We know nothing of the military manoeuvres, but it is evident that the troops were drilled to move in formations, and that the art of besieging was as well understood as by the Assyrians, in the mode of attacking the enemy's fort as well as in that of protecting the soldiers.
Manners and Customs. - The subjects of the walls of the Egyptian toinbs and the hieratic papyri tell us much of the domestic life of the ancient people. The education in the earliest age seerns to have been more manly and more simple than in that of the Empire, when the college of a temple or the miniature court of a great officer was the school instead of the estate of the landed proprietor. This system, however, gave almost his only- chance of advancement to a poor man's son, for the very highest posts were open to the successful scholar. (Cf. Brugsch Hist. 2d ed. 16, 17.) Circuincision was practised front the earliest times, but apparently not as a religious rite, aud not until the earlier years of childhood had passed. Of the education of girls there is no indication, but, as they afterwards shared the public life of men, and even held posts of importance in the priesthood, it could not have been neglected. It has not been proved that the Egyptians had any definite marriage law. We find, how-ever, that they married but one wife, who is termed the lady of the house, and shares with her husband the honours paid to the deceased. Concubinage was no doubt allowed, but it is seldom that we find any- trace of children more numerous than those of legitimate wives could be. The family of Ramses II. is an instance of an Oriental house-hold, and the fifty-two children of Baba, whose tomb is found at Eilethyia, may also be cited, though the term children may in this case include other descendants (of. Brugsch, ibid. 176, 177). Ordinarily the aspect of the family is that which it wears in civilized countrie::. The women were not secluded, and, if they did not take the place of those of republican Boum, it was due to faults of national character rather than the restraints of custom, There was no separation into castes, although many occupations were usually hereditary. As there was no noble caste, there was nothing to prevent the rise of naturally able persons but the growth of the official class, which gradually absorbed all power and closed the avenues to success. The corruption of this class has been remarkably shown by the researches into the Egyptian administration of justice by M. Chabas, who cites lists of robbers of tombs and houses containing the names of sciibes and priests, besides a higher grade of servants (Melanges,iii.i. 144, seqq.). There are other indications of the social condition of Egypt under the Empire in the complaints of the lower class against the brigandage to which they were subject on the part of persons who found means to interest the highest functionaries, and so escape merited punishment. At the same time it is to be remembered that they- hacl the right of direct appeal to the king (Bid. 173-216). This part of the picture of Egyptian life is strikingly like that of China, and the dislike of foreigners is consistent with the comparison. The lower class being uneducated, and for the most part very poor, was held in contempt by the higher, and this was especially the case with labourers and herdsmen. All handicrafts were considered unworthy of a gentleman, and even the sculptor and painter were not raised above this general level. The only occupations fit for the upper class were priestly, civil, and military, and the direction of architectural and other works which required scientific knowledge, not skill of hand. The servants were of a higher grade than the labourers : not so the slaves, who were generally captives taken in war.
The everyday- life of the ancient Egyptians is abundantly represented in the pictures of the tombs from the earliest monumental age to that of the Empire. The rich passed much of their time in hospitality, giving feasts at which the guests were entertained in various ways. The host and hostess sat together, as did other married people, and the other men and women generally were seated apart. The seats were single or double chairs, but many sat on the ground. Each feaster was decked with a necklace of flowers by the servants, and a, lotus-flower was bound to the head, on which was also placed a lump of ointment. Small tables were set before the guests, on which were piled meat, fruits, cakes, and other food, and wine-cups were carried round. Before the repast, hired musicians and (lancers entertained the company, and often this seems to have been the sole object of invitation.
These two kinds of entertainment are precisely what are customary at the present day in Egypt. Among the amuse-ments of the ancient Egyptians was witnessing the perfor-mance of various gymnastic feats. They had several games, one of which probably resembled draughts. Under the old kingdom the chief occupations of the rich seem to have been those of a country life, in its duties, the superintendence of Imsbandry, of the taking stock of flocks and herds, and of the shipment of produce, and the examination of fisheries, or again in seeing to the efficient work of the people of the estate who were engaged in any craft ; and the pleasures of country life filled up the .leisure. In ancient times Egypt had far more cover for wild fowl than now. Thus we see from the subjects of the tombs that the rich Egyptian was in the habit of goitp-r into the marshes in a canoe, generally with some of his cfnldren, to spear the hippopotamus, or more frequently to knock down birds with the curved throw-stick. In fovvling, a cat was sometimes used as a retriever. At other times he fished in his ponds, or shot or coursed. with hounds various animals of the antelope kind. Every rich man in the age of the Empire had a chariot, generally drawn by two horses, which he usually drove himself, standing up in it. The life of the ladies was not unlike that of the men, except that they only joined in the sports as spectators They seem. to have passed their time in household matters, in visiting, and in the shnplest country pleasures. Occasionally they rode in heavy- cars drawn by oxen. Their manners appear to have been indolent and luxurious. Among the lower orders the lighter work usually fell to the women. Both men and women led hard lives, havimr scanty clothing and poor food ; yet the genial climate, in ;hich the wants of the labourer must always have been few, rendered their condition not so painful as one might suppose.
LaJguage and Literature. - The lanomage of the people was the Egyptian, the later form of° which, after they had become Christians, is called Coptic. Comparative philology has not yet satisfactorily determined its place. There can be no doubt that it is related to the Semitic family, but it has not yet been proved to belong to it. The grammatical structure is distinctly- Semitic, and many roots are common to the Semitic languages. On the, other hand, the Egyptian has essential characteristics which detach it from this family. It is monosyllabic, and its monosyllabism is not that from which scholars have endeavoured to deduce Semitic, but rather snch as would belong to a decayed condition. This monosyllabism is like that of Syriac. Dr 13rugsch strongly a,ffirms the affinity of the Egyptian to the Indo-Germanie a,s well as the Semitic languages (Hist., 2 ed. 6), but the former rela.tion has to be proved. It has been supposed that the monosyllabism of the Egyptian is due to its having in part originated from a Nigritian source (Genesis of the Earth. and of _.41ctn, 2d ed. 255, seqq.). Certainly this is a characteristic of some Nigritian languages, and the want of any large agreement in the vocabulary would be sufficiently- explained by the changes that the languages of savage nations undergo from the absence of a literature. It can therefore scarcely yet be asserted with Dr Brugseh that the Egyptian has no analogy to the African languages (t.c.), by which, no doubt, he intends those which have no Semitic element. The problem will probably be solved either by a careful study of all the African languages which show traces of Semitic structure side by side with those that are without such traces, or by the discovery of the unknown element in Egyptian in the Akkadian or some other primitive language of Western Asia, which cannot be called Semitic in the recognized sense of the term. During its long history the language, underwent little change until it became Coptic. It had two dialects - those of Upper and Lower Egypt, (Brugsch, ibid.); and by degrees a vulgar dialect was formed which ultimately became the national language not long before the formation of Coptic. One curious innova-tion in the Egyptian language was the fashion under the Ramses family of introducing Seinitic words instead. of Egyptian ones. From the manner in which these words are spelt it is evident that the Egyptians at that time had no idea of a Semitic element in Egyptian, for they always treat them as foreign words and retain the long foreign forms. The chief change in Coptic was the introduction of many Greek words, especially to supply the place of religious terms eliminated from the vocabula,ry. The inscribed and written character of Egyptian was the hieroglyphic, a very complex system, which expressed ideas by symbols or by phonetic signs, syllabic and alphabetic, or else by a combination of the two methods. From this was formed the hieratic, a running hand, or common written form of the hieroglyphic, principally used for doemnents written on papyrns. Its oldest records are not equal in age to the earliest hieroglyphic inscriptions, but probably it is not much later iu origin. The demotic or enchorial writing is merely a form of hieratic used for the vulgar dialect, and employed for legal docnments from the time of Dyn. XXVI. downwards. The Coptic is written with the Greek alphabet, with the addition of six new letters and a ligature, these letters being taken from the demotic to ex-press sounds unknown to Greek. For further details see the article HIEROGLYPHICS.
Much ancient Egyptian literature has come down to us, and it must be allowed that from a literary point of view it has disappointed expectation. What it tells is full of interest, but the mode of telling rarely rises to the dignity of style. So unsystematic is this literature that it has not given us the connected history' of a single reign, or a really' intelligible account of a single campaign. The religious documents are still less orderly than the historical. It is only by- the severe work of some of the ablest critics during the last fifty years that from those disjointed materials a consistent whole has been constructed.
The most important religious work is the I'vneral Ritual, or Book of the Dead, a collection of prayers of a magical character referring to the future condition of the disembodied soul, which has already been noticed. It has been published by- Dr Lepsius (Das Todtenbuch der Aegypter) and M. de ltoug4 (Rituel Funeraire), and translated by Dr Birch (Bunsen's _Egypt's Place, v.). De Rouge, in his most interesting papers in the Revue Arckeologique (n.s.), has done the utmost that a splendid critical faculty and an unusual mastery- of language could achieve to present parts of the work in the most favourable form. Still it must remain a inarvel of confusion and poverty of thought. Similar to the Ritual is the Book of the Lower Hemisphere. The other religious works and inscriptions are of a wider range. The temple inscriptions indeed are singularly stilted and wanting in variety ; but the papyri contain some hymns which are of a finer style, particularly that to the Nile by Enna, translated by Canon Cook (Records of the Past, iv. 105), and that to Ra-Harmachis, translated by- Dr Lushington (ibid. viii. 129) and Professor Maspero (Ilistoire Ancienne, 32, seqq.). The moral writings have a higher quality than the religious, if we may judge from their scanty remains. The historical writings fall into two classes according to their official or unofficial character. Those that are official present the worst form of the panegyrical style, the othe,rs are simple though wanting in method. The letters are of more interest, from their lively portrayal of ancient Egyptian manners. In works of fiction there is a greater degree of skill, and in the " Tale of Setnau. " (Records y the Past, iv.) we oven find touches of humour. E'gyptian literature is not without its merits, but it has that want of lofty ideas and of charm which is characteristic of the litera• ture of nations which have written very much and have had no other means of addressing mankind.
Science. - Fresh information is being constantly acquired as to the knowledge of science possessed by the ancient Egyptians. Their progress in astronomy is evident from their observations, and still more from the cycles they formed for the adjustment of different reckonings of time. Their knowledge of geometry is attested by their architecture, and by- a docutnent on the lands of the temple of Adfoo ; and the annual inundation must have made careful surveys and records necessary for the preservation of landed property. Very great mechanical skill must have been needed to move the vast blocks used in their buildings, sometimes for very long distances, in part by difficult land-routes, and then to place them in position. Considering the want of iron, and of any but the very simplest mechanical appliances, the achievements of the Egyptian architects are an enigma to modern science (Brugsch, 2c1 ed. 52). Chemistry and metallurgy had also made great progress. The hardening of the bronze tools with which they ent granite is a, proof of this, and the manner in which Moses destroyed the golden calf is another evidence. Medicine and surgery were much studied, and the Egyptians were in those sciences only- inferior to the Greeks.
Art.y. - Of the arts architecture claims the first place, sculpture and painting being subservient to it among the Egyptians. Temples were not built to contain statues, but statues were set up to adorn temples, of which they were a part, and the walls were covered with sculptures and paintings which had a decorative purpose. The group of these arts may therefore be considered as a whole, and thus the principle they expressed may be best discovered. This principle seems not to ha,ve been accidental, but a deliberate choice. The country and climate afforded the best means of syinbolizing the leading idea of the Egyptian religion in the material forms of art. Life after death was that idea, and it found expression in the construction of tombs as lasting as the rocks on which they rested. The pyramid is the first form of Egyptian art, and modifications of its form, in truncated pyramids, are seen in the main outline,s of all later edifices or excavations. The decora-tions were subordinated to the idea of commemoration, and thus every building was at once religious and historical in its purpose. To this the Egyptian monuments owe a reserved grandeur that is not affected by the symmetrical qualities of hieratic art nor by the use of strongly contrasted colours. The art is always dignified, and the, colours, being seen either in strong sunlight outside the monuments, or in dim twilight within them, are never glaring. The effect is exactly what was intended, and would probably not have been produced had the art been more advanced, In the whole range of ancient art Egyptian may take its place next after Greek. indeed in some instances it excels Greek, as when in animal forms tbe natural is subordi-nated to the ideal, Ile lions from Gebel Barkal, pre-sented by the fourth duke of Northumberland to the -British Museum, are probably- the finest examples of the idealization of animal forms that any age has produced.
From these observations we may form some idea of the character of the ancient Egyptians. They were religious, but superstitious ; brave without cruelty, but tyrannical ; hospitable, but not to strangers. In dress they were plain, but luxurious in their ornaments ; simple in their food, but given to excess in wine. With respect for family ties, they were careless in their morals. The women enjoyed great freedom, yet their character does not seem to have been higher than it is among their descendants, subject to the lowering influence of the hareem seclusion. Though the chief object of every man's life was the construction of his tomb, and the most costly- personal event was the funeral, the ).7,gyptians were singularly mirthful, delighting in music and the dauce, and so given to caricature that even in the representation of a funeral ceremony the artist cannot omit a ludicrous incident. The double origin of the race seems as apparent here as in their phvsical type and their religion. The generous qualities of the Simmite are being perpetually perverted by the inferior impulses of the Nigritian ; and again the bright elements of the Nigritian character are strangely darkened by the shadow of the gloomy tendency of the Shernite,.
The industrial arts were carried to a high degree of excellence by the ancient Egyptians. In weaving and all the processes connected with the manufacture of linen they have never been surpassf.,,d. Their pottery was excellent in quality- and suitable to its variou.s purposes, and their glass but slightly inferior to that of the Greeks. In the making of furniture, and instruments of music, vessels of metal, alabaster, and other materials, arms and domestic imple-ments, they shoNved great taste mad skill, and their influence on Creek art through the Plicenicians is undoubted, thoug.h they did little more than afford suggestions to more skilful artists of Hellas.
The Egyptians had a great variety of musical instruments, the number of which shows bow much attention was paid to the art. -Various kinds of harps are represented, played with the hand, and of lyres, played with or without the plec-trim), and also a guitar. There are other stringed instru-ments, for which it is difficult to find a modern name. The Egyptians had also flutes, single and double pipes, the tam-bourine of various forms, cymbals, cylindrical maces, drums of different kinds beaten with the hands or sticks, the trumpet, and the sacred sistrum. The military mnsic vias that of the trumpet, drum, and cylindrical maces; but almost all the instruments were used in the temple services. It is impossible to form any conjecture as to the character of the music, unless we may suppose that with many of the old instruments the modern inhabitants have preserved its tra-dition. It may therefore be mentioned that they are ignorant of harmony, but have fineness of ear and of execu-tion. The musicians often sang or danced while they played. The dances of both men ancl girls were of various kinds, frem what may be called feats of agility to slow move-ments. The dancers were chiefly girls, whose performances e7,-idently resembled those of their i»odern successors, and whose clothing was even more transparent or scanty.
Ceremonies. - We know little of the private festivities of the ancient Egyptians. In particular no representation of a marriage ceremony- has yet been discovered on the monu-ments, The greatest ceremony- of each man's life was his funeral. The period of mourning began at the time of death, and lasted seventy-two days or a shorter time. Dur-ing this time the body was embalmed and swatted in many linen bandages, the outermost of which was covered with a kind of pasteboard, Which represented the deceased, in the form we call a mummy, as a labourer in the Elysian fields, carrying the implements of husbandry, the face and hands being alone seen, and the rest of the body being painted with subjects relating to the future state, and bearing a principal inscription giving the name and titles of " the Osiris, justified." The viscera were separately preserved in vases having covers in the forms of the heads of the four genii of Amenti. The mummy was inclosed in a case of woed having the same shape, and this was again inclosed, when the deceased was a rich man, within either another wooden case, or more usually a sarcophagus of stone, sometimes of the same form sis the mummy, but generally rectanguhar, or nearly so. The mummy was then placed Oil a sledge, drawn by oxen or by men, and was frequently taken to the bank of the river, or the shore of a sacred lake, which was to be crossed in order to reach the place of burial. A sacred boat carryiug the !tummy, attended by mourners, was towed by another boat, and followed by others contain-ing mourners, offerings, and all things necessary for the occasion (Anc. Eg., pl. 83-86). On reaching the tomb the sarcophagus was placed in a sepulchral chamber, usually at the bottom of a pit, and offerings for the welfare of the deceased were made in a chapel in the upper part of the tomb, One tomb sufficed for each family, and sometimes for some generations ; and in the case of the less wealthy, many were buried. in the sepulchral chambers of a single pit, above which was no structure or grotto. It has been already noticed that, according to Diodorns, every one was judged by a legal tribunal before the right of burial was permitted, and of this there may be a survival in the practice of the modern Egyptians, which presmibes that a witness mmd.-, answer for the good character of the deceased before his burial (Modern Egypthms, ch. xxviii.). After tho burial, offerings were made at stated times each year by the family, and the chief in-scription begged the passer-by to say a preyer for the good of the inhabitaut of the tomb. These customs led to litany abuses. The maintenance of the costly prescribed offerings must have been most inconvenient, and for this and other purposes tbe burial-grounds were peopled by a tribe of hungry professional embalmers and lower prie,sts, who made their living not only by their profession but also by fraud and even theft. Yet we must admire the generosity with which the F.gyptians lavished their riches upon the most tender form of affection. They were repaid not merely by a natural satisfaction, but also by the wholesome recognition that there are unselfish and unproductive uses for wealth.
[Mr Lane in 1834 estimated the population of Egypt at less than 2,000,000, and gave the following numbers es nearly those of the several classes of which it is mainly composed : - the remainder, exclusive of the Arabs of the desert, num-bering about 70,000 (Mod. Eg., Introduction).
The last official return (1876) estimates the population the various provinces as follows : - Of the present population of Egypt, the Muslims con-stitute seven-eighths, and nearly four-fifths of that of the metropolis ; and to this class, and more particularly to the people of Cairo, the following sketch of personal characteristics and customs will relate, save in some few cases, which will be distinguished from the rest.
In describing the personal characteristics of this remark-a.ble people, Mr Lane, in the first chapter of The Manners and Customs of the Modern _Egyptians (which was written just before European influence was felt in the country, and still deservedly ranks as the only book of authority on the subject), says : - " In general the Muslim Egyptians attain the height of about 5 feet 8 or 5 feet 9 inches. Most of the children under 9 or 10 years of age have spare limbs and a distended abdomen; but as they grow up their fonns rapidly improve. In mature age most of them are remarkably well-proportioned; the tnen muscular and robust; the women very beautifully formed, awl plump; and neither sex is too fat. I have /levet seen corpulent pers'ons among them, except-ing a few in the metropolis and other towns, rendered so by a life of inactivity. In Cairo, and throughout the northern provinces, those who have not been much exposed to the still have a yellowish but very clear complexion, and soft skin; the rest are of a consider-ably darker and coarser complexion. The people of Middle F...gypt are of a more tawny colour, and those of the more southern pro-vinces are of a deep bronze, or brown complexion - darkest towards /labia, where the climate is hottest. In general the countenance of the Muslim Egyptians (I here speak of the men) is of a line oval form: the forehead of moderate size, seldom high, but generally prominent; the eyes are deep stink, black and brilliant; the nose is stritight, but rather thick; the mouth well-formed; the lips are rather full than othenvise; the teeth particularly beautiful; the beard is commonly black and curly, but scanty. I have seen very few individuals of this race with grey eyes; or rather, few persons supposed to be of this race; for I am inclined to think them the offspring of Arab women by Turks, or other foreigners. The Fellabeen, from constant exposure to the sun, have a habit of half-shutting their eyes; this is also characteristic of the Bedawees. Great numbers of the Egyptians are blind in one or both eyes. They generally shave that part of the cheek which is above the lower jaw, awl likewise a small space under the lower lip, leaving, however, the hairs which grow in the middle under the mouth; or, instead of shaving these parts, they pluck out the hair. They also shave a part of the beard under the chin. Very few shave the rest of their beards, and none their moustache. The former they suffer to grow to the length of about a hand's-breadth below the chin (such at least is the general rule, and such was the custom of the Prophet), and their moustache they do not allow to become so long as to incommode thetn in eating and drinking. The practice oi dyeing the beard is not conunon; for a grey beard is much respected. The Egyptians shave all the rest of the hair, or leave only a small tuft (called shooshelt ') upon the crown of the head From the age of aluout 14 to that of 18 or 20 [the women], are generally models of beauty in body and limbs; and in countenance most of them are pleasing, and many exceedingly lovely; but soon after they have attained their perfect growth, they rapidly decline." The relaxing nature of the climate, and other predisposing causes, contribute to render many of them absolutely ugly at the age of 40. "In the Egyptian females the forms of womanhood begin to develop themselves about the ninth and tenth year: at the age of 15 or 16 they generally attain their bighest degree of perfection. With regard to their complexions, the same remarks apply to them as to the men, with only this difference, that their fates, being gene-rally veiled when they go abroad, are not quite so much tanned as those of the men. They are characterized, like the men, by a fine oval countenance, though in some instances it is rather broad. The eyes, with very few exceptions, are black, large, and of a long almond-form, with long and beautiful lashes, and an exquisitely soft, bewitching expression - eyes more beautiful can hardly be conceived: their charming effect is much heightened by the con-cealment of the other features (however pleasing the latter may be), and is rendered still more striking by a practice universal among the females of the higher alid middle classes, and very common among those of the lower ordeis, which is that of blackening the edge of the eyelids both above and below the eye, with a black powder called `kohl.'" Balt sexes, but especially the women, tattoo several parts of the person, and the latter staita their hands and feet with the red dye of the hinne.
The dress of the men of the upper and middle classes consists of cottan drawers, and a cotton or silk shirt with is woru a long cloth robe, the gibbelt (or jubbeh) somewhat resembling the kaftan in shape, but having shorter sleeves, and being open in front. The dress of the lower ordera is the shirt and drawers, and waistcoat, with an outer shirt of blue cotton or brown woollen stuff ; some wear a kaftan. The head-dress of all is the turban wound ronnd a. skullcap. This cap is usually the red cloth fez, or tarboosla, but the very poor wear one of coarse brown felt, and are often without the turban. Many professions and religions, &c., are distinguished by the shape and colour of the go usually barefoot. The ladies wear a shirt and drawers, a very full pair of silk trousers, and a close-fitting vest with hanging sleeves and skirts, open down the front and at the sides, and long enough to turn up and fasten into the girdle, which is generally a cashmere shawl; a cloth jacket, richly embroidered with gold, and having short sleeves, is com-monly worn over the vest. The hair in front is combed down over the forehead and cut across in a straight line ; behind it is divided into very many small plaits, which hang down the back, and are lengthened by silken cords, and often adorned with gold coins and ornaments. A small tarboosh is worn on the back of the head, sometimes having a plate of gold fixed on the crown, and a handkerchief is tastefully' bound round the temples. The women of the lower orders have trousers of printed or dyed cotton, and a close waistcoat. All wear the long and elegant head-veil. This is a simple " breadth" of muslin, which passes over the head and hangs down behind, one side being drawn forward over the face in the presence of a man, A lady's veil is of white muslin, embroidered at the ends in gold and colours; that of a person of the lower class is simply dyed blue. In going abroad the ladies wear above their indour dress a loose robe of coloured silk without sleeves, and nearly open at the sides, and above it a large envelop-ing piece of black silk, which is brought over the head, and gathered roand the person by the arms and hands on each side. &face-veil entirely conceals the features, except the eyes ; it is a long and narrow piece of thick white muslin, reaching to a little below the knees. The women of the lower orders have the same out-door dress of different materials and colour. Ladies use slippers of yellow morocco, and abroad, inner boots of the same material, above which they wear, in either case, thick shoes, having only toes. The poor wear red shoes, very like those of the men. Among the upper classes, however, the dress is rapidly becoming assimilated to that of Europeans in its most preposterous form.
In religion the Aluslina Egyptians are Sunnees, profess-ing the creed which is commonly ternaed "orthodox," and are principally of the persuasion of the Shafe'ees, whose celebrated founder, the imam Esh-Shafe'ee, is buried in the great southern cemetery of Cairo, Many of them are, however, Hanafees (to which persuasion the Turks chiefly belong), and in parts of Lower, and almost universally in Upper, Egypt, Malikees.
The civil administration of justice is conducted in four principal courts of judicature, - that of the Zabit, or chief of the police; where trivial cases are summarily disposed of ; the Divan el-Khedivi, in the citadel, in which the khedive or his deputy presides, and where judgment is given in cases which either do not require to be referred to the two other courts yet to be mentioned, or which do not fall within their province ; the Divan el-Malikemeh, the court of the cadi (kadee), or chief judge, who must be a, Hanafee, and who was formerly a Turk sent annually from Con-stantinople, but is now appointed by the khedive, and paid a fixed salary of 4000 napoleons a year ; and that of the nauftee of the Hanafees, or chief doctor of the law, who decides all cases of difficulty. There are besides five minor mahkemehs, or courts, in Cairo, and one in each of the neighbouring towns of Boolak and Masr EPAteekah, from which eases are always referred to the court of the kadee; and each country town has a native kadee, whose authority is generally sufficient for the villages around. The Council of the 'Uleino,, or learned Dien, consists of the sheykli, or religious chief, of each of the four orthodox persuasions, the sheykh of the great mosque called the Azhar, who is of the persuasion of the Shafe'ees, aud is sometimes its sheykh, the kadee, and the chief (nakeeb) of the Shereefs, or descendants of the Prophet, with several other persons. This body was until lately very powerful, but now has little influence over the khedive. Cairo is divided into quarters (Harsh), each of which has its sheykh, who preserves order among the people ; and the whole city is partitioned into eight larger divisions, each havina a sheykli called Sheykh et-Tumn. Various trades also ilve their sheikhs or chiefs, to whom reference is made in disputes respecting the craft ; and the servants have sitnilar heads who are responsible for their behaviour. The country is divided into governments, as before stated, each presided over by a Turkish officer, having the title of mudeer, a,nd subdivided into districts under the control of native officers, bearing the titles " Mamoor and "Nazir." A responsible person called Sheykli el-Beled (or "shey-kh of the town" or " village") presides over each small town and village, and is a native of the place. It must also be mentioned that the Sa'eed, or Upper Egypt, is governed by a pasha, whose residence is at Asyoot. Notwithstanding the consistent, able, and in many respects commendable, code of laws which has been founded on the Koran and the Traditions, the administration of justice is lamentably faulty. As is the custom throughout the East, judgment in Egypt is usually swayed by bribes, and a poor man's case is generally hopeless when his adversary- is rich. To this rule there have been some notable exceptions, and the memory of a few virtuous judges is cherished by the people; but such instances are very rare. The moral and civil laws observed by the Muslim Egyptians, being those of El-Islam, will be noticed elsewhere. A great abuse formerly existed in Egypt in the system of consular jurisdiction. Natives were compelled to sue a foreigner before the latter's consul, and in nine cases out of ten lost their cause. Simi-larly it was very difficult for a foreigner of one nation to obtain justice against one of another nation at the latter's consulate. This abuse has now been done away. At the instance of Nubar Pasha, and after the deliberations of a, European commission, three Courts of First Instance at Alexandria, Cairo, and Ismailia, and a Court of Appeal at Alexandria, were established in 1876, presided over by mixed benches of Europeans and natives, the former being the majority, and eniploying a new code based on the Code Kapoleon, with such additions from Muslim law as were possible. These courts decide all cases between the Govern-ment or native subjects and foreigners, and between foreigners of different nationalities; and there can be im doubt that they will exercise a great influence for good on the administration of justice in Egypt. It is to be hoped that in course of time they may supersede the old native system in all causes. At present they do but supersede the consular system.
It is very worthy of notice, that in Cairo, as in some, other Muslim cities, any one may obtain gratuitously au elementary education, and he who desires the fullest attain-able education may receive that also without the payment of a single fee, by joining a class of. students in a collegiate mosque. The elementary instruction which most boys re-ceive consists chiefly of reading, and learning the Koran by heart ; day-sehools, as charitable institutions, abound in Cairo, and every town possesses its school; a trifling fee to the fikee (or master) is the only expense incurred by the scholars. Girls are seldom taught anything beyond needle-work. The children of both sexes, except those of the wealthy, have generally a very dirty and slovenly appear-ance ; and often intentional neglect is adopted to avert the effects of the " evil eye," of which the Egyptians entertain great dread. The children of the upper classes are exces-sively indulged, while the poor entirely neglect their offspring. The leading doctrines of El-Islam, as well es hatred for all religions but their own, and a great rever-ence for their parents and the aged, are early inculcated.
This deference towards parents cannot fail to strike every foreigner who visits Egypt, and does not cease with the children's growth, presenting an example well worthy of imitation in the West. Circumcision is observed at about the age of five or six years, when the boy is paraded, gene-rally with a bridal procession, on a, gaily caparisoned horse, and dressed in woman's clothes. Some parents, however, and most of the learned, prefer a quieter and less expensive ceremony (Modern Egyptians, chap. xxvii.).
It is deemed disreputable for a young man not to marry when he has attained a sufficient age ; there are therefore few unmarried men. Girls, in like manner, marry very young, some even at ten years of age, and few remain single beyond the age of sixteen ; they are generally very prolific. The bridegroom never sees his future wife before the wed-ding night, an evil which is somewhat mitigated by the facility of divorce. A dowry is always given, and a marriage ceremony performed by a, fikee (a schoolmaster, or one who recites the Koran), in the presence of two wit-nesses ; the ceremony is very simple, but constitutes a legal marriage. The bridal of a virgin is attended with great festivity and rejoicing, a grandee's wedding some-times continuing eleven days and nights. On the last day, which should be that terminating with the eve of Friday, or of Alonday, the bride is taken in procession to the bride-groom's house, accompanied by her female friends, and a band of musicians, jugglers, wrestlers, kc. As before stated, a boy about to be circumcised joins in such a procession, or, frequently, a succession of such boys. A Muslim is allowed by his religion four wives ; but advantage is rarely taken of this licence, and very few attempt to keep two wives in one house ; tbe expense and discomfort which polygamy entails act, therefore, as a restriction to its general adoption. A man may, however, possess any number of concubine slaves, who, though objects of jealousy to the legal wife, are yet tolerated by her in consideration of her superior position, and conceded power over them, a power which she often uses with great tyranny; but certain privileges are possessed by the concubine, especially if she have born a son to her master. Such slaves are commonly kept only by grandees, the generality of the Atuslirn Egyptians being content with one wife. A divorce is rendered obligatory by the simple words " Thuu art divorced," and a triple divorce is irrevocable under ordinary circumstances. The hareem system of appointing separate apartments to the women, and secluding them from the gaze of men, is observed in Egypt as in other Muslim countries, but less strictly. Air Lane (ibid. ch. yi.) says - " I believe that in Egypt the women are generally under less restraint than in any other country of the Turkish empire ; so that it is not uncommon to see females of the lower orders flirting and jesting, with men in public, and men laying their hands upon them very freely. Still it might be imagined that the women of the higher and middle classes feel themselves severely oppressed, and are much discontented with the state of seclusion to which they are subjected ; but this is not commonly the case; on the contrary, an Egyptian wife who is attached to her husband is apt to think, if he allow her unusual liberty, that he neglects her, and does not sufficiently love her ; and to envy those wives who are kept and watched with greater strictness." The females of an Egyptian household never sit in the presence of the master, lint attend him at his meals, and are treated in every respect as inferiors. The mother, however, forms a remarkable exception to this rule ; in rare instances, also, a wife becomes a com-panion to her husband. On the other hand, if a pair of women's shoes are placed outside the door of the hareem apartments, they are understood to signify that female visitors are within, and a man is sometimes thus excluded from the upper portion of his own house for many days. Ladies of the upper or middle classes lead a life of extreme inactivity, spending their time at the bath, which is the general place of gossip, or in receiving visits, embroidering, and the like, and in absolute dolce far nicnte. It is there-fore no cause for wonder that their tone of morals is generally low. Both sexes are abstemious in their food, though fond of pastry, sweetmeats, and fruit. The principal meals are breakfast, about an hour after sunrise ; dinner, or the mid-day meal, at noon ; and supper, which is the chief meal of the day, a little after sunset. Coffee is taken at all hours, and is, with a pipe, presented at least once to each guest. Tobacco is the great luxury of the men of all classes in Egypt, who begin and end the day with it, and generally smoke all day with little intermission. Many women, also, especially among the rich, adopt the habit. Men who can afford to keep a horse, mule, or ass, are very seldom seen to walk, and numberless excellent asses a,re to be hired in Cairo. Ladies always ride asses and sit astride. The poorer classes are of course unable to observe the hareem system, but the women are in general carefully veiled. Some of them keep small shops, and all fetch water, make fuel, and cook for their households. The food of the poor is very meagre ; flesh meat is rarely tasted by them, and (besides bread) dates, raw cucumbers, and onions are their common food, with soaked beans, roasted ears of India,n corn, 6:c.
In their social interconrse the Muslim Egyptians are regular, and observe many forms of salutation and much etiquette ; yet they are very affable, entering into conversa. tion with strangers at shops and elsewhere. Their courtesy and dignity of manlier are very striking, and are combined with ease and a fluency of discourse. Of their mental quali-fications Mr Lane (ibid. ch. xiii.) remarks - "The natural or innate character of the modern Egyptians is altered, in a remarkable degree, by their religion, laws, and government, ft3 well as by the climate and other causes; and to form a just opinion of it is therefore very difficult. We may, how-ever, confidently state that they are endowed, in a higher degree than most other people, with some of the more important mental qualities, particularly quickness of apprehension, a ready wit, and a retentive memory. In youth they generally possess these and other intellectual powers ; but the causes above alluded to gradually lessen their mental energy." Their principal virtues are piety and strong religious feeling, a strict observance of the injunctions of El-Islam, and a constantly professed sense of God's presence and over-ruling providence, combined, however, with religious pride and hypocrisy. Their com-mon discourse is full of asseverations and expressions respecting sacred things, often, however, used with a levity which it is difficult for a person unacquainted with their feelings easily to reconcile with their respect for God. They entertain OM excessive reverence for their Prophet ; and the Koran is treated with the utrnost respect - never, for example, being placed in a low sitnation - and this is the case with every-thing they esteem holy. They are fatalists, and bear calamities with perfect resignation to the Divine will. , Their filial piety and respect for the aged have been before mentioned, and benevolence and charity are conspicuous in their character ; poverty is there-fore not accompanied by the distressing circumstances which too frequently attend it in Europe. Humanity to dumb animals is another virtue, and cruelty is openly discounte-nanced in their streets, even to unclean animals ; this is, however, unfortunately wearing off in consequence of their intercourse with Franks. Their affability, cheerfulness, and hospitality are remarkable, as well as frugality and temperauce in food and drink, scrupulous cleanliness, a luve of country, and honesty in the payment of debt. It should be added, however, that the Egyptians rarely, if ever, exer-cise their social virtues but towards persons of their own persuasion and country. Their vices are indolence, ob-stinacy, and licentiousness, especia.11y among the women, cupidity (mitigated by generosity), envy, a disregard for the truth, and a habit of cursing. Murders, and otlter grave crimes of this nature, are rarely committed, but petty thefts are very common.
" The Arabic spoken by the middle and higher classes in Cairo is generally inferior, in point of grammatical cor-rectness and pronunciation, to the dialects of the Bedawees of Arabia, and of the inhabitaLts of the towns in their im-mediate vicinity', but much to be preferred to those of Syria, and still more to those of the Western Arabs" (Lane, ibid. ch. ix.). The language varias in Upper and Lower Egypt, and is more correct inland than near the Mediterranean.
In the decay of Arab literature, Cairo still holds the chief place as a seat of learnino., and its university, the Azhar, is undoubtedly the first of the Eastern world. Its professors teach " gramniatical inflexion and syntax, rhetoric, versification, logic, theology, the exposition of the Kur-an, the Traditions of the Prophet, the complete science of jurisprudence, or rather of religious, moral, civil, and criminal law, which is chiefly founded on the Kur-an and the Traditions, too-ether with arithmetic as far as it is use-ful in matters of faw. Lectures are also given on algebra, and on the calculations of the Muhammadan calendar, the Hines of prayer, &c." (Lane, ibid.). The students, as already remarked, pay no fees, and the professors receive no salaries. The latter maintain themselves by private teach-ing, and by copying manuscripts, and the former in the same manner, or by reciting the Koran. The students are now said to amount to the number of 11,000. Except the professors of librature, few Egyptians are taught more than to read and write ; and of these, still fewer can read and write well. The women, as before mentioned, are very rarely taught even to read.
Science is but little studied, and barbers generally prac-tise medicine and surgery. -Mehemet Ali endeavoured to improve this state of things, by sending young men to Europe for the purpose of scientific study, and by establish-ing variuus schools, with the same object, in Egypt. His improvements have been continued by the present khedive, Ismail Pasha, with some success.
In common with other Muslims, those of Egypt have very many- superstitions, some of which are peculiar to themselves. Tombs of saints abound, one or more being found in every town and village ; and no traveller up the Nile can fail to remark how every prominent mountain has the sepulchre of its patron saint. The great saints of Egypt are the imam Esh-Shafe'ee, founder of the persuasion called after him, the seyyid Ahmad El-Bedawee, and the seyyid Ibraheem Ed-Dasookee, both of whom were founders of orders of dervishes. The former of these two is buried at the town of Tanta, in the Delta, and his tomb attracts many thousands of visitors annually to his prin-cipal festival; the latter is also much revered, and his festival draws together, in like manner, great crowds to his birthplace, the town of Ed-llasools. Bul, besides the graves of her native saints, Egypt boasts of those of several members of the Prophet's family; the tomb of the seyyideh Zeyneb, daughter of 'Alec:, that of the seyyideli Sekeeneh, daughter of El-Hoseyn, and that of the seyyideh Nefeeseh, great-grand-daughter of El-Hasan, all of which are held in high veneration. The mosque of the Hasaneyn (or that of the " two Hasaus") is the most reverenced shrine in the country, and is believed to contain the head of El-Hoseyn. As connected with the superstitious practices of Egypt, dervishes must be mentioned, of whom there are many orderi found in that country, the following being the most celebrated : - (1) the llifa'eeyeh, and their sects the 'Ilwaneeyeh and Saadeeyeh ; (2) the Eadireeyeli ; (3) the Ahmedeeyeh, or followers of the seyyid Ahmad El-Bedawee, and their sects the Beiyoomeeyelt, Shaaraweeyell, Shinnaweeyeli, and many others ; and (4) the Barahimeh, or followers of the seyyici Ibraheem Ed-Dasookee. These are all presided over by a direct descendant of the caliph Aboo-Bekr, called the Sheykh El-Bekree. The Saadeeyell are the most famous for charming and eating live serpents, ikc., and the 'Ilwaneeyeli for eating fire, glass, Scc. The Egyptians firmly believe in the efficacy of charms, a, beliet which is associated with that in an omnipresent and over-ruling Providence. Thus the doors of houses are inscribed with sentences from the Koran, or the like, to preset\ e from the evil eye, or avert the dangers of an unlucky threshold ; similar inscriptions may be observed over most shops, while ahnost every one carries some charm about Lis person. Among so superstitious a people, with whom, as we ha.ve already seen, science is in a very low state, it is not to be wondered that the so-called sciences of magic, astrology in the place of astronorny, and alchemy in that of chemistry, are in a comparatively flourishing condition.
Since the time of the Turkish conquest, the arts in Egypt have rapidly fallen into decay ; this is partly attributable to the deportation of most of the skilled artificers of Cairo to Constantinople by the sultan Selim, but it is inainlv owing to the misrule of the Turkish pasha.s, mho Lave successively domineered over this unfortunate country. Cairo contains the most splendid specimens of Arab architecture of any part of the Arabian empire ; but at present new buildings are erected after the Constan-tinopolitan moclel, or, what is still worse, the purely European - both styles immeasurably inferior to the Arab, and very ill suited to the requirements of the climate. In like manner, every other kind of native art is gradually perishing ; and it is to be feared that even should the people be relieved from oppression and bad government, their industry will be encouraged rather to adopt imaginary improvements imported from Europe, than to cultivate the beautiful taste of their ancestors. The manufactures of the present inhabitants of Egypt are generally inferior to those of other Eastern nations, their handicrafts ale clumsy, and the inevitable results of tyranny are every-where evident ; nevertheless, the curious shops, the markets of different trades (the shops of each trade being generally congregated in one street or district), the easy merchant sitting before his shop, the musical and quaint street-cries of the picturesque venders of fruit, sherbet, water, d".c., with the ever-changing and many-colonred throng of passengers, all render the streets of Cairo a delightful study for the lover of Arab life, nowhere else to be seen in such perfection, or with so fine a background of magnificent buildings.
Among the luxurious habits of the Egyptians must be classed the immoderate use of tobacco (as before mentioned) and coffee. They are, however, rar-ely guilty of the vice of drunkenness, wine being prohibited by the Koran. Eaters of opium, and smokers of hemp, called hasheesh, are not uncommon, thouA they are always of the dregs of the people. The bath is a favourite resort of both sexes and all classes. In Cairo alone are upwards of sixty public baths, and every good house has a private bath. Their amuse-ments are generally' not of a violent kind, being rather in keeping with the sedentary habits of the people, and the heat of the climate. They are acquainted with chess, draughts, backgannnon, and other games, among which is one peculiar to themselves, called Mankalah, and played with cowries. The game of the gereed requires great bodily exertion ; and wrestlers, (3,",c., are found in the ccmtitry, though not in any number. Music is the most favourite recreation of the people of Eg,ypt ; the songs of the boatmen, the religious chants, and the cries in the streets are all musical. There are male and female musical performers ; the former are both instrumental and vocal, the latter (called '211meli, pl. 'Awalini) generally vocal. The 'Awalim are, as their name ("learned ") implies, generally accom-plished women, and should not be confounded with the Ghawdzee, or dancing-girls. There are many kinds of musical instruments. The music, vocal and instrumental, is generally of little compass, and in the minor key; it is therefore plaintive, and strike,s a European ear as somewhat monotonous, though often possessing a -simple beauty, and the charm of antiquity, for there is little doubt that favourite airs have been handed down from remote ages. The prophet Mohammad candenned music, and its pro-fessors are in consequenc.e lightly esteemed by the generality of Muslims, who nevertheless scruple nut to enjoy their performances, and resort to the coffee-shops a_ncl to private festivities, where they are almost always to be found.
The Ghawlizee (sing. G'hazeeyeh) form a separate class, very similar to the gypsies. They always intermarry among themselves only, and are all brought up to the venal profession. Their performances are too well known to need a description here, but it should be observed that the religious and learned Egyptians hold them to be improper. They- dance in public, at fairs and religious festivals, and at private festivities, but not in respectable houses, whether before the men or the ladies. Mehemet Ali banished them to 1sne, in Upper Egypt ; and the few that remained, occasionally- dancing in Cairo, called them-selves 'Awalini, to avoid punishment. A most objection-able class of male dancers also exists., who imitate the dances of the Ghawazee, and dress in a kind of nondescript female attire. Not the least curious of the public per-formances are those of the serpent-charmers, who are generally- Rifil'ee, or Saadee dervishes. Their power over serpents has been doubted by most European travellers, yet their performances remain unexplained ; and apparently they possess means of ascertaining the haunts of these and other reptiles, and of alluring them forth ; they, however, always extract the fangs of venomous serpents. Jugglers, rope-dancers, and farce-players must also be mentioned. the principal coffee-shops of Cairo are to be found reciters of romances, surrounded by interested audiences. They are of three classes, and recite from several works, among which was formerly included the Thousand ancl One Nights,. but manuscripts of the latter have become so rare as to render it almost impossible to obtain a copy.
The periodical public festivals are exceedingly interest-ing, and many- of the remarkable observances with which they abound are passing away. The first ten days of the Mohammadan year are held to be blessed, and especially the tenth ; and many curious and superstitious prac-tices are observed on these days, particularly by the women. The tenth day,, being the anniversary of the martrydom of El-Hoseyn, the mosque of the Hasaneyn is thronged to excess, mostly by women. Following the order of the lunar year, the next festival is that of the Return of the Pilgrims, which is the occasion of great rejoicing, many having friends or relatives in the caravan. The Malimal, a kind of covered litter, first originated by the celebrated queen Sheger-ed-Durr, is brought into the city in procession, though not with as much pomp as when it leaves with the pilgrims. These and other processions have lost much of their effeet since the extinction of the Mernlooks, and the gradual disuse of gorgeous dress fur the retainers of the ofiicers of state. A regiment of regular infantry makes but a sorry substitute for the splendid cavalcade f former times. The Birth of the Prophet (Moolid en-Nebee), which is celebrated in the beginning of the third month, is the greatest festival of the whole year. During nine days and nights its religious ceremonies are observed at Cairo, in the open space called the Ezbekeeyeli. Next in time, and also in importance, is the Moolid El-Hasaneyn, commemorative of the birth of El-Hoseyn, and lasting fifteen days and nights ; and at the same time is kept the Moolid of Es-Salih Eiyoob, the last king but one of the Eiyoobee dynasty. In the seventh month occur the Moolid of the seyyideh Zeyneb, and the commemoration of the Mearag, or the Prophet's rniraGulous journey to heaven. Early in the tenth month (Shaaban), the Moolid of the imam Esh-Shitfe'ee is observed; and the night of the middle of that month has its peculiar customs, being held by the Muslims to be that on which the fate of all living is decided for the ensuing year. Then follows Ramadan, the month of abstinence, a severe trial to the faithful ; and the Lesser Festival (El-Ted es-Sagheer), which commences Showwal, is hailed by them with delight. A few days after, the Kisweh, or new covering for the Kaabeh at Meecca, is taken in procession from the citadel, where it is always manufactured, to the mosque of the Hasaneyn to be completed ; and, later, the caravan of pilgrims departs, when the grand procession of the Mahmal takes place. On the tenth day of the last month of the year, the Great Festival (EliEed el-Kebeer), or that of the Sacrifice, closes the calendar.
The rise of the .Nile is naturally the occasion of annual customs, some of which are doubtless relics of antiquity; these are observed according to the Coptic year) The com-mencement of the rise is fixed to the night of the 1 lth of Ba-ooneli (Payni), the 17th of June, and is called that of the Drop (Leylet en-Nuktall), because a miraculous drop is then supposed to fall, and cause the swelling of the river. The real rise commences at Cairo about the summer solstice, or a few days later ; and on about the 3d of July a crier in each district of the city begins to go his daily rounds, announcing, in a quaint chant, the increase of water in the Nilorneter of the island of Er-Reclah. When the river has risen 20 or 21 feet, lie proclaims the Wefa en-Neel, " Coln-pletion " or " Abundance of the Nile." On the following day, the dam which closes the canal of Cairo is cut with naucli ceremony, and this is the signal for letting the inundation over the surface of the country. A pillar of earth before the dam is called the " Bride of the Nile," and Arab his-torians relate that this was substituted, at the Muslim con-quest, for a virgin whom it was the custom annually to sacrifice, to ensure a plentiful inundation. A large boat, gaily decked out, representing that in which the victim used to be conveyed, is anchored near, and a gun on board is fired every quarter of an hour during the night. Rockets and other fireworks are also let off, but the best, strangely, after daybreak. The governor of Cairo attends the ceremony of cutting the dam, with the kadee and others. The crier continues his daily rounds, with his former chant, excepting on the Coptic New-Year's Day, when the cry of the Wefa is repeated, until the Saleeb, or Discrwery of the Cross, the 26th or 27th of September, at which period, the river having attained its greatest height, he concludes his annual employment with another chant, and presents to each house some limes and other fruit, and dry lumps of Nile mud.
This brief ac?,ount of the modern Egyptians would be incomplete without a few words concerning the rites attendant on death. The corpse is immediately turned towards Mecca, and the females of the household, assisted by hired mourners, commence their peculiar wailing, while fikees recite portions of the Koran. The funeral takes place on the day of the death, if that happen in the morn-ing ; otherwise on the next day. The corpse, having been washed and shrouded, is placed in an open bier, covered with a cashmere shawl, in the case of a man ; in a closed bier, having a post in front, on which are placed female ornaments, in that of a woman or child. The funeral procession is headed by men called " Yemeneeyeb," chanting the profession of the faith, followed by male friends of the deceased, and a party of schoolboys, also chanting, generally from a, poem descriptive of the latter state. Then follows the bier, borne on the shoulders of friends, who are relieved by the passers-by-, such. an act being deemed highly meritorious. On the way to the cemetery the corpse is generally, in Cairo, in the case of the northern quarters of the city, carried either to the lIasaneyn, or, if the deceased be one of the 'Ulein'a, to the Azhar ; or, in the case of the southern quarters, to the seyyideli Zeyneb, or some other revered mosque. Here the funeral service is performed by the imam, or minister of the mosque, and the procession then proceeds to the tomb. In the burials of the rich, water and bread are dis-tributed to the poor at the grave ; and sometimes a buffalo or several buffaloes are slaughtered there, and the flesh given away. The tomb is always a vault, surmounted by an oblong stone monument, with a stele at the head and feet; and a cupola, supported. by four walls, covers the whole in the case of sheyklis' tombs and those of the wealthy. During the night following the interment; called the Night of DesolaCon, or that of Solitude, the soul being believed to remain with the body that one night, fikees are engaged at the house of the deceased to recite various portions of the Koran, and, commonly, to repeat the first clause of the profession of the faith, " There i3 no deity but God," three thousand thnes. The women alone put on mourning attire, by dyeing their veils, shirts, d:c., dark blue, with indigo ; and they stain their hands, and smear the walls, with the same colour. Everything in the house is also turned upside down. The latter customs are not, however, cbservecl on the death of an old man. At certain periods after the burial, a khatmeh, or recitation of the whole of the Koran, is performed, and the tomb is visited by the female relations and friends of the deceased. The women of the fellaheen (or peasants) of Upper Egypt observe some strange dances, &T., at funerals, which must be regarded as partly relics of ancient Egyptian customs.
For further information see, in addition to Lane's 3fodern Egyptians, his translation of the Thousand and One Nights, and particularly- the notes to it, and the Englishwoman in Egypt, by Mrs Poole.
The native Christians of Egypt, or Copts, are chiefly descended from the ancient Egyptian race ; and, as they rarely marry with other races, they preserve in their coun-tenances a, great resemblance to the representations of the tombs and temples. Their dress and customs are very aimilar to those of the Muslim Egyptians, but their reserve towards persons of another persuasion renders a knowledge of their peculiar observances exceedingly difficult. The causes which produced the separation of their church, and the persecutions they suffered, will be noticed in the historical portion of this article. Under Mehemet Ali they were relieved of nitch oppression, and the immunities then granted to them they still enjoy. The neglected appearance of their houses, and their want of personal cleanliness, are in strong contrast to the opposite habits of the -Muslims, and European residents generally prefer the latter as domestic servants.
The Jews, of whom there have always been great num-bers in Egypt, appear to be even more degraded there than in other countries. They are held in the utmost abhorrence by the dominant race, and often are treated with much cruelty and oppression. Many are bankers and money-changers, The quarter of the Jews in Cairo is ex-ceedingly filthy, and wonld give a stranger the notion that they labour under great poverty. But such is not the case ; the fear of the Muslims induces them to adopt this outward show of misery, while the interiors of many- of their houses are very handsome and luxurious. (E. s. r. - s. L. r.)] Before giving a sketch of the history of Egypt it is necessary to speak of Egyptian chronology. The difficulty of this subject has increased with the new information of the monuments. The statements of ancient writers were easily reconciled with half knowledge, but better inforination shows discrepancies which are in naost instances beyond all present hope of solution. It may be said that WC know something of the outlines of the technical part of Egyptian chronology ; but its historical part is in a great measure mere conjecture before the times when we can check the Egyptian lists by their synchronisms with Ilebrew and Assyrian history.
Dr Brugseb, in the second edition of his Ilistoire d'Egypte, frankly admits the growing difficulty of Egyptian chronology in terms which account for his not having continued his Mati:riaux pour servir a la reconstruction du Cczlendrier, the opinions of which are modified in the later work. Baron Bunsen completed his Egypt's Place, but in the progress of the work made a, great change in his theories. Professor Lepsius alone has maintained his views, as stated in the Chronologie and Konigsbuch, of which the general correctness has not been disproved, although in any new work it would be necessary- greatly to modify tlie details. The words, already referred to, of Dr Brugsch, which close the introduction to his History (2d ed.), may be cited in justification of the differences between the present article and that of the last edition of the Encycloyedia. " En comparant cette 6dition avec la premiere, le lecteur impartial reconnaitra facilement que nous avons reniani6 completement le premier travail, et de plus, que nous nous sommes abstenu de found'. des hypotheses auxquelles seulement le temps et des d6couvertes futures pourront substituer les faits " (p. 3).
The Egyptians divided the civil day into 24 hours, 12 of the natural day and 12 of the night, counted from 1 to 12 during each period. Ordinarily the civil day began durimg the night, which was indifferently reck-oned as belonging, to the preceding or following day. Probably the beginning was at midnight. ln the astro-nomical tables of the Tombs of the Kings the civil day probably begins with the night, and the reckoning is from the first hour, or six hours before midnight. The indication is, however, not con-clusive, as the tables are of nights only, bat one term used makes it highly probable (Brugsch, Alizteriattx, 103). We also find the so. called heliacal rising of Sothis indicated as marking the beginning of the New Year, but this may merely- denote that the phenomenon characterized New Year's day of the original Egyptian year, or of the fixed year, not that the civil day began with the 111.11 hour of night (cf. Id., 99 Avg.; Ideler, lIa,ndbuch der Clerovologie, i. 100-102).
The Egyptian month was of tItirty days. The months are usually known by Greek names occurring in Greek documents, which were taken from the cultus connected with the months, and are thus the Egyptian sacred names. They are 1. Thoth, 2. Phaophi, 3. Athyr, 4. Choiak, 5. Tybi, 6. Mechir, 7. Phamenoth, 8. Pharmuthi, 9. Pachon, 10. Payni, 11. Epiphi, 12. Mesori, after whieh came the five Epagomenm. The names were applied to the Yagne and Alexandrian rears. The ancient Egyptians had a different system • of names. With them the months were allotted to three great seasons of four months each, of which the months were called 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th. These seasons are called " sha," inundation, "per," winter, and " shema' summer. The second and third renderings are undoubted; the first, which is that of I)r Brugsch, is not certain. lf, however, it was so, we should have a difficulty in deciding to exactly which four months each season applied. It may be remarked that, according to the Copts, there afe four months from the supposed beginning of the rise of the Nile, a few days before the summer solstice, to the end of the inundation. If this were the ancient reckoning, and the rendering " inundation" be correct, " winter " would be the cold season, and " summer " ,,vould correspond to spring and early summer. In support of this hypothesis it may be observed that the so-called "'ethical rising ot Sothis on the 20th of July marked the berdnning of the Egyptian year, although in the year commonly in use'this phenomenon passed through all the seasons, and further that in the earliest times of Egyptian 'history this phenomenon occurred about the time of the summer solstice, and the conventional beginning of the rise of the Nile, the three phenomena probably marking the beginning of the first season when the calendar was instituted' (cf. on the seasons, Brngsch, iliderictur, 34 seqq.).
'file eonmion year of the ancient Egyptians is that which has been called the Vague Year, because on account of its length of 365 days it fell short of a tropical or a sidereal year, and thus passed through all the seasons. That this year was that in which the inscriptions are usually dated before the introduction of the Alex-andrian year under Augustus appears from the Decree of Canopus ( l-lierog. 1. 18, Greek 1. 36, 37).
The Egy pt i an s also used a fixed year dated from the so-call ed hel aeal rising of Sothis, July 20. It contained 365 days, and was adjusted bv the addition of another day for every four years. It is uncertain h•Ow far back this year was in use. The Calendar of Pledeenet Ilaboo, of' the time of Ramses III., begins with the rising of Sothis, or, if WC accept DrBrugseh'sexplanation, with its festival (..I/aMriaux, p. 84). Perhaps at the time of this monument the phenomenon fell on the 1st Thoth of the vague year, or within the month ; or if the festival he intended, it may be used as ft conventional indica-tion of New Year's day in a typical form (Ibid. p. 84, 85). In the Roman period, after the .‘klexandrian year had come into use, there are double dates in the Alexandrian and Sathiae calendars, but the common Egyptian notation of the months does not appear to have been usually applied to the Sothiac year. An exception is noticed by 1)r Brugsch (Bid. p. 93), and another instance in which the month-name Tybi appears to be used for the Sothiac calendar, while an Alexandrian name is employed for the corresponding month of the Alexandrian calendar (Ibid. p. 92, 17. See on the whole suliject, 13rugsch, Hateriaux).
The inconvenience of the vague year in relation to the festivals, on account of their connection with natural phenomena, led Ptolemy Energetes to reform the calendar by intercalating a day after every fourth year before the year next following (Decree of Canopus, 1Iierog. 1. 22, Greek 1. 43-45). Obviously this arrest of the C0111111011 year was more convenient than the change to a fixed year already in use beginning at a different season. This new style was abandoned and the old resumed, but how soon we do not know.
Under Augustus a fixed year, called the Alexandrian, beginning on the 29-30th August of the Julian year, superseded the vague year. According to Lepsius, the Era of Augustus at Alexandria dated D.C. 30, but the first year of the new calendar, prolepti-e.illy, n.c. 26, when the. 1st Thoth vague corresponded to 30th August of the proleptie year of' Augnstus. The new reckoning, however, in his opinion could not have been introdneed before B.C. 8, and WftS probably introduced A.D. 5. (See Lepsius, Ueber ciaige .1',eriihranyspuukte der Aegyptisehen, Criechischen, wnd Ro-mischen Cltronologie, Berl. Alutd., 1859). .Although it is quite possible that Augustus adopted. a proleptic synchronism of the 'Egyptian and Roman yonrs for the official Egyptian year, finis dating back his reform, yet it is more probable that there was some special reason for choosin, the particular Egyptian year selected, which, moreover, was no't tho first of the Era of Angustns. Ilrugseli has put forward a theory, which is the more remark-able in its bearing on this question as it is of wholly independent origin. I le has ShOW11 l'OtIS0113 for supposing that a year beginning on the 25-29th August was in use in Egypt from the thne of Dynasty VI. It must be adinittial that many of his correspondences are of the Roman period, and therefore probably refer to the Alexandrian year; but others cannot be so explained, and it seems probable that the year which wider Augustus superseded the vagne year was already in use long before (JBteriaux, p. 17 seq.). The Alexandrian year superseded the vague year, and has remained in use to our times, never having been whay supplanted by the lunar year of the Arabs; but it has now given way to the Gregorian calendar.
At the time of Dynasty XII. the Egyptians used four years. These Dr Ilrugsch holds to be the vague year, a solar year, a lunar year, and a limar year with an intercalation (Hist. 2nd ed, 98-99). The second of tIr2se years no doubt Was the Sot'lliac, the beginning 'of which had an original connection with the summer solstice, and the duration of which was probably the Egyptian measine of a solar year. The limar years would seem to be true lunar years, if we arc to accept 31. Gensler's theory that the Egyp thins had discovered a method of adjusting their solar calendar with a lunar year by the intercalation of a month eleven times in thirty years (Id. 73). That the Egyptians at a later time rise'," four years is evident from the Calendar of Isne, in which three beg,innings are mentioned, that which stands at the head of the document and is of the Sothiae year, a beginning of the " year of the ancients" on the 9th of Thoth, and another New Year's day on the 26th of Payni (Brugsch, Matereaux, 19-22). This calendar is attrilmted by Lepsins to the. reign of Claudius, but Brugsch can only decide that it is of the Roman period (Id. 88, cf. 22). If it is much later than the time fixed by Lepsius, the second commencement may be of the vague year, which began July 28 in A.D. 101-104. It is not probable that it is earlier than the introduction of the Alexandrian year, which, however, is unnoticed. Thus at least four years were probably in use in Egypt under the Romans.
No Era has been found in the Egyptian inscriptions. They always, if they date at all, date by the year of the reigning sovereign. There is but one instance of a reckoning of the nature of an era. It is the statement of the interval between two distant reigns in the stele in which, under Ramses II., an interval of four hundred years after a Shepherd king is mentioned, or more strietly, following the analogy of ordinary dates, the 400th year of the earlier kin,, thongli he were still This, however, is not a strictly Egyrdian document (Records of lite Past, iv. 36). Similarly the coins of the Ptolemies, except one class, present no era ; even those bearing the name of Ptoleniy Soter, struck in Palestine and Phoenicia linder Ptolemy Philadelplins and Ptolemy Euergetes, are dated by the regnal years of the kings who struck them. Theie are indeed coins dated by an era, probably struck at some town of Plmenicia, but these follow a foreign usage which otherwise is not found in the foreign coinage of the Ptolemies. It is therefore not surprising that the Egyptian cycles mentioned by ancient writers are not traceable on the monuments. One of these, the Sothiac Cycle, consisting of 1450 Sothiac and 1461 vagne years, or the period in which the vague year passed through one Sothiac year, was probably used by the astronomers, but we have no indication of its having been known earlier than the first century- B.C., when Gemini's writes that the Egyptian festivals pass through the whole year in 1460 years (hag., e. 6, Petav., Uranologium, 33). Censorinus fixes the beginning of a Sothiae cycle in A.D. 139 (e. 21), in the third vague year or second Alexandrian of the reign of Antoninus Pius. Curiously the Alexandrian coin commemorating in a symbolie manner this event is of the sixth year of this emperor. neon, writing during the cycle beginning A.D. 139, speaks of the previous period as the Era of Menophres (ap. Biot, Rech. sur plus. 2). de l'astr., p.181 seq., 303 seq. • Sur la periode Soth.I.S, 129 seqq.) lt is therefore generally- supposed' that a cycle beginning B.C. 1322 com-menced in the reign of a Menptah, usually identified with the king of that name of Dynasty XIX. This is possible but not certain. Other cycles rest on less distinct evidence, and for the present we must be content to accept Brugsch's cautious judg-ment on the whole subject.' must be reduced, end as supplying fragments of historical chronology which may ultimately be_ united into a complete system. It has indeed been supposed that they enable us to construct an approxi-mat i ve chronology on genealogical evidence. This system, ho-wever, breaks down where we can test it, and it is therefore dangerous where it must stand alone. The great genealogy of the official archi-tects gives 21 generations frem the contemporary of Setee 1. (Dynasty XIX. 21, to the contemporary of Darius 1. (XXVII. 3); and thus, allowing three generations to a century, we should bring the birth of Setee and the beginning of Dynasty XIX. to about B.C. 1200.1 It is, however, quite certain that, reckoning from the synchronism of Sheshonk I., or Shishak, with Rehoboani, we must allow for the intervening period at least a century more. The historical events require this. We must therefore suppose that generations, either of heiresses or of other persons who did not hold the office of architect, are dropped. If this method of computing by genealogies thus fails where we have a genealogical list, obviously it cannot be applied. to dynastic lists which we do not know to be genealogical. ale average length of reigns is usually different from. and less than that of generations, and we cannot tell the inost probable average length of reigns without knowingl the law of succession of the country, and its political conditions in the period under consideration. It is therefore especially hazardous thus to measure the Egyptian chronology before Dynasty XVIII., at which time ascending genea-logical evidence fails us. (See, however, Brugsch, //isl., 2 ed. 25-27.) The preceding observations will prepare the reader to find in the following pages no definite chronological system for the period before the synchronism of Egyptian and Hebrew history at the beginning of Dynasty XXII. 'Phe essay would, however, be incom-plete without a short account of the chronological views of the leading Egyptologists. _Marlette accepts Alanetho's numbers with some modifications, and makes all the dynasties but one consecutive. Ile thus dates the beginning of Dynasty I. B.C. 5004. Dr Brugsch, fol-lowing the genealogical in ethod, proposed by Prof. lieblein, and treat-ing the reigns of the Tablet of Abydos as generations, hut making an exception for the distracted age of the X111.-X V I E. Dynasties, when he adopts a series of years deriyed from Manctlio, place.s the beginning of Egyptian history cir. B. C. 44002 (//ist., 2d ed. 1791. Professor Lepsins adopts the 3555 years as the true duration of the thirty dynasties, and thus lowers the (late in question to B. c. 3992. Ile reduces the length of the dynasties by making some in part or in whole contemporary.3 111. Chabas proposes with much hesitation the 40th Cell thry B. C. (Etudes sur l'Antiquitd Ilistovique, 2 ed. 15, 16). The following table gives the date of the beginning of each dynasty according to M. Mariette and Professor Lepsius. The less definite schemes of Dr Brugsch and M. Chabas cannot be tabulated in the same inannef.
There are two weak points in all these systems. They rest to a greater or less degree upon numbers either occurring but once or due to a single authority. The sum of 3555 years, which is the foundation of Professor Lepsins's system, occurs in but a single passage, rind the same is the (•ase with the round number of 500 years adopted by Dr Brugsch for the doubtful period of Dynasties X111.-X VII. ; it is taken from 3Ianetho's 511 years of the Shepherd dominion. Dow if both these numbers are corrupt ? If they are not their e:.ape is a marvel, considering to what authors and copyists NVI.: owe them. Again, the sums of most individual dynasties rest on 111anetho's sole authority, and his lists are in a state which is at present hopeless. It is equally unfortunate that while certain dynasties are represented by monuments from which Illanetho's lists can be verified, others have left little or no records. Thus we have no monuments of Dynasties 1.-111. until the close of the last. Then there is an abundance of monuments of Dynasties 1V., V., VI. A blank follows without a montunent that we can assign to Dynasties VII., IX., X. Records reappear under Dynasty Xl. ; of Dynasty X11. they are abundant. Under Dynasty XIII. they become scanty, and of XIV., X V., X VI., XVII. there are but a few, which may be of XV., XVI., or XVII. Tie have therefore three blank periods, the age before known monuments, the interval of Dynasties VI I.-X., and that of Dynasties X11E-XS'''. It is significant that whereas M. Illariette's reckoning exceeds that of Professor Lepsius 1112 years in the whole stun of the thirty dynasties, the excess is 110 less than 966 years in the stuns of Dynasties VIL-X. and X111.-X-V11. Such a difference between two such great anthorities is a proof of the want of even probability for solving this part of the problem. Dr Drugsch, in applying the genealogical method to the lists of the monuments for the first and second blanks, while lie rejects it for the third, is manifestly unwary. The evidence of the Turin Papyrus proves that we must not apply any such method to the third blank. Dow do we know that it can be applied to the other two ? It may be argued that 11Ianetlio's numbers for the reigns of the first blank are probable, but neither his lists nor the monnments throw any light on those of the second, to which, notwithstanding, Dr Brugsch allows no less a period than about 500 years. Ins system has also the special fault that it rests on the supposition that the Egyptian reigns are equivalent to gene-rations, which, as already shewn, is by no means proved.
In the following sketch of Egyptian history, no dates before the Christian Era will be giTen nntil the beginning of Dynasty .X when approximative chronology becomes possible. -Where, how-ever, we may reasonably conjecture the length of" a particular part history', this will be stated.
The traditional age in Egypt is extremely obscure. History begins with the First Dynasty. The earlier period with Manetho, who is supported by the Turin Papyrns, is mythological, the age of the divine reigns, an idea also traceable in the monuments which treat certain divinities as sovereigns. This age is held to be spoken of on thc him in his combats with Seth (Chablis, Apt. .11isr., 7, 8 ; Brugsch, 2d ed. 23). Manetho completely divests the time of any historical character by making it cyclical. It might be supposed that the Egyptians had some idea of records actually dating from this age, if we could accept :M. Chabas's reading of the Ptolemaic inscription relating to the plan of the temple of Dendarab, in which it is stated that the original plan was found in the time of Feld, of Dynasty VI., in ancient characters on a. skin of the time of the .1lies.1- liar. It appears, II:iwever, from the context that this inscription WaS of the time oi of Dynasty IV., and consequently the parallel expression is merely used to denote remote antiquity (Diimichen, Baunrktinde der Tempelanlogen 2`0?2, Dendera, 15, ta.f. ; 1 8, 1 9, taf. xv.; V., on the other side, Chabas, Ant. .1hst., 2d ed. 7, 8).
Egyptian mythology has not been found to contain any allusion to a deluge, nor to have any connection with the Mosaic narrative in reference to the cosmogony and the early conditions of the human race. Similar terms have been pointed out, but the leading facts are wanting. Thus the Egyptian ideas of their prehistoric age have a strange isolation by the side of those of most other nations of remote civilization, which agree in one or more particulars with tlr.i narrative of Genesis. Discoveries may, however, modify this view.
In Egypt stone implements have been recently discovered. Owing, however, to the abundance of historical monuments, the prehistorical remains have scarcely received due atten-tion. We do not yet know whether these implements were used by the Egyptians or by savage tribes who may have made incursions into their territory-. We find, however, the use of flint arrow-heads in the historical period from the paintings at Benee-Hasan (Dynasty- XII.).
It is impossible to conjecture the duration of the prehis-toric age in Egypt. M. Chabas has proposed a space of 4000 years before the First Dynasty- as sufficient for the develop-ment of the civilization which had already attained maturity in the thne of the Fourth Dynasty (Ant. Hist., 9, 10). We are, however, so entirely ignorant of the causes of this civilization, and so unable to decide how far it was native to the soil of Egypt, that it is safer to abstain from any attempt to compute a period of the length of which the historical Egyptians themselves do not appear to have had any idea.
With Menes, in Egyptian Mena, the " stable," the history of Egypt begins. It is true that Manetho states cautiously of his successors of the Second Dynasty certain things that are evidently legendary-. This must be the natural result of a want of monumental evidence, and a consequent dependence on tradition. At present no monuments are known before the time of the last king of Dynasty III., and this may be the limit at which inscribed contemporary re-cords began. It is, however, agreed by all Egyptologists that the founder of the Egyptian state is no legendary per-sonage. All We kllOW of him wears the air of history, and is consistent with the conditions in which a state would have been formed. Menes was of Thinis, in Upper Egypt, and consequently the first two dynasties are called Thinite. Thinis, or This, in Egyptian Teni, was perhaps only a quarter of the more famous Abydos. Certainly it was ob-scured by the near neighbourhood of the sacred city-. Menes, having gained the sovereignty of Egypt, which probably before his time was divided into two states, founded the city of Memphis. In order to gain sufficient room for the site he changed the course of the Nile by- constructing a dike, which turned the stream more to tbe east, M. Linant believes that this dyke is probably represented by that of Kusheysh. The great temple of Ptah, at Memphis, was then founded ; and there can be no doubt that the seat of government was, under Menes, or not much later, removed to the new city. Menes made laws and waged a successful war. After a long reign of sixty-two years lie was killed by a hippopotamus. All this has a perfectly historical aspect. Only a legislator and warrior, and so a mighty hunter, could have set upon a stable basis the long-lasting fabric of Egyptian polity. The main qualities of the man who did this could not have been forgotten at Memphis, which WaS great and flourishing, the chief seat of Egyptian learning and wealth, before the close of the Third Dynasty. The reproach. that Menes corrupted the prhnitive shnplicity of the Egyptians is probably a, perverted tradition, like that which changed the tyranny of Khufu and Khafra to impiety. In later times Menes was reverenced with other kings, but as far as we know had no special worship, a con-dition suitable to his historical character, now universally admitted.
Athothis, either Tota or Atot, the first or second succes-sor of Menes, is related to have founded the palace- at Memphis, and, being a physician, to have written anatomi-cal books. A medical papyrus in the Museum of I3erlin, composed under Ramses II. (Dynasty XIX.), curiously illus-trates the second statement. It contains a portion said to have.been copied from a very ancient papyrus discovered in the time of Hesp-ti, or Usaphaidos, a later king of the First Dynasty, and to have been subsequently taken to Septa, or Egyptian inscriptions they are !ailed Rebu, or helm, and appear on early monuments as dark people. Under the Empire they have Caucasian characteristics. The change was probably due to the great maritime migrations of the l'elasgic tribes, in which the Libyans had an important share. To the next king, Tosorthros, Manetho assigns the invention of building with hewn stones and cultivation of letters, and says that for his medical knowledge the Egyptians called him iEsculapius. If the Pyramid of Steps dates from an earlier king, the first statement must be qualified, though it is to be remarked that the difference of constructive skill between that monument, if so early, and the works of Dynasty IV., would almost justify the historian; and again the discovery of inscriptions of a less accurately ordered kind than those of Dynasty IV. may support the second statement; the third seems at variance with the Memphite worship of the Egyptian YEsculapius, Imlb - ep. On the monuments contemporary history begins with the last king the lists assign to this dynasty, Senoferu, probably Manetho's last but one, Sephuris. We may now take a retrospect of the age. It is in some respects curiously primitive in comparison with that which immediately follows it. Dr Brugsch has remarked the general absence in the kings' names of the name of Ra, afterwards essential to throne-names, which from the medallic character of seine of these they seem to have been, and the equally general absence of the names of other gods, Ra occurring once in the three dynasties and Sekeri once. Again he has observed the somewhat plebeian aspect of these names, as proper to men who sternly ruled the masses. Mena is "the stable," lie who resists ; Tota, " he who strikes ;" Senta, " the terrible ;" Huni," he who strikes." Senoferu is "the betterer." As "the striker of the peoples," for so he is called in his inscription at Wadee Magharah, in the Sinaitic peninsula, he is a foreign conqueror.' From Senoferu, at the close of Dynasty III., to the end of Dynasty VI., we have a succession of contemporary monuments by which history can be reconstructed, not only in its political events, but in those details of the condition of the population which make an essential part of all real history. Under Senoferu we find great material prosperity, and the arts already in that condition of excellence which makes the Pyramid age in sonic respects the most remarkable in the annals of Egypt. We also find foreign conquest, not as in the time of the Empire for glory, but with the view of extending the Egyptian rule to countries whose products were valuable for the arts. It is thus that this Pharaoh is the earliest who has left a tablet in the Sinaitic peninsula, where perhaps he, as Dr Brugsch thinks, was the first to plant military colonies to protect the workers in the mines of copper and the valuable blue stone called " mafkat," and this idea is supported by his being afterwards worshipped there. He is also the first king whose pyramid is found with its special name on the monuments. Dr Brugsch thinks it is that now called the Pyramid of Meydoom, near which chapels of tombs bearing his name have been discovered, and a group consisting of two statues, remarkable as a splendid specimen of Egyptian archaic art. The subjects, it may be remarked, were usually buried near fLe pyramid of the reigning king. Senoferu the betterer left a good name as a beneficent king, and his worship was maintained until the Ptolemaic period.
Khufu, the Sunhis I. of Manetho and Cheons of Herolotus, immediately succeeds Senoferu in the lists of the monuments, so that he may be regarded as the legitimate head of Dynasty IV. The list of that dynasty is as follows : - Khufu, Ratatf, Khafra, Menkaura, Shepseskaf, corresponding to eight kings in Manetho, in whom also the order is different, Ratatf (Ratoises) following Menkaura (Mencheres), a natural consequence of the association in fame of the builders of the three most celebrated pyramids, Khufu, Khafra, and Menkaura.2 The age of the pyramid-builders is the most brilliant before the Empire. We can judge from the royal tombs of the magnificence of the kings, and from the sepulchres around of the wealth of the subjects. The construction of the pyramids has perhaps been unduly marvelled at we should know in what other manner the. kings employed the vast amount of manual labour at their disposal, if we would estimate how much they could have effected by it in pyramid-building in the long period of time for which they ruled. If the two reigns of Khufu and Khafra extended over more than a century and a quarter, we may measure what we know them to have done against the works of other states during a like interval, and the comparison reduces our wonder.
The regal power at this time seems to have been very strong. So at least may we infer from the phraseology of the inscriptions, and from the fact that the kings threw much, if not all, of the force of the nation into personal monuments for their own memorial. Never in later times is the royal tomb the chief object of the king's reign, or is he so completely detached from the welfare of Egypt. The pyramids with their priesthoods are proofs that then the Pharaoh was more positively worshipped than ever afterwards.
It must, however, be admitted that the great men whose tombs are planned around the pyramids enjoyed abundant wealth and ease. Their time was passed not in war or in state affairs, but in the management of large estates, probably royal gifts, and in superintending the handicrafts of their people, and giving no small share of their leisure to the pleasures of the chase, to hospitality, and to the enjoyment of musical performances. In the chapels of their tombs these occupations of everyday life are portrayed. There is no sign of war, no great military class. It is true that the common folk seem to have been very poor, but their life in that land of abundance is at least represented as happy. On the other hand, it is significant that the nobility include a large number of the royal family, and that the king is not represented in the tombs, and when he is spoken of it is in terms of the most distant respect. Similarly there is an extraordinary reserve as to worship. Religions subjects are wanting, and the religious inscriptions are usually limited to the formula of dedication. The priesthood is already numerous, but it is connected with the service of the chapels of the pyramids. In the vast court a baneful bureaucratic class is already growing, in future to destroy the welfare of the people.
The reign of Khufu is principally marked by the building of the Great Pyramid. We learn from a curious inscription of a later date that he rebuilt the temple of Isis, near the Sphinx, carved out of the rock by some earlier king, and that be made a pyramid for the Princess Hent-sen in the same neighbourhood. The charge of impiety which the local tradition reported by Herodotus brings against Khufu thus fails, and the charge of tyranny associated with it, may be equally groundless. The cost of life in building the Great Pyramid can scarcely be compared with that of a long war under conditions resembling those of modern China. It should be noted that Khufu, as well as Khafra and Ratatf, were still objects of worship under Dynasty XXVI. (Brugsch, Mist., 2d ed. 57, 58). The only record of foreign conquest is a tablet in the peninsula of Sinai, commemorating what was probably no more than a successful maintenance of the posts already there established to guard the mines.
The reign of Khafra is commemorated, like that of Khufu, by the royal sepulchre and the tombs of subjects. From the latter we are able to contradict the tradition of his hostility to the national religion, in which Herodotus associates him with Khufu. The most interesting remains of the time are the statues of this king found in a well near the Sphinx, into which they were probably thrown either by a foreign invader or by early Christians or by Arabs, rather than in a popular revolt after his death (cf., however, Maspero, Histoire Ancienne, 73). A statue and a bust of Khafra from this find have been published by M. de Roug6 (Six Pron. Dyn., pl. iv. v,). Both are remarkable works, showing a naturalistic style that makes them far superior to later statues. The king's head is evidently a portrait, and the type is more Caucasian than the generality of later subjects.
Menkaura, or Mencheres, the Mycerinus of Herodotus, and the founder of the Third Pyramid, does not seem to have been specially reverenced in later times, in contradiction to the report of Herodotus. It is, however, interesting, in connection with the tradition of his support of religion, that the Egyptian Ritual speaks of its 64th chapter as found by Har-tot-ef, son of Mencheres, at Hermopolis Magna, when he made an inspection of the temples of Egypt, and brought as a precious document to the king (Brugsch, Kist., 2d ed. p. 59, 60). It would thus appear that the Ritual was not then completed, and Manetho's statement that Suphis I., Khufu, wrote the sacred book may be another hint as to its date. It may also be noticed that the queen of Khafra was priestess of Thoth (Six Prem. Dyn., 277 seqq.), and a noble, probably son of Khafra, was high-priet of Thoth at Hermopolis, a dignity held by another prince in the same reign (Id. 280, 281).
The most interesting record of Menkaura is his wooden mummy-case, found by General Howard Vyse in the Third Pyramid. In the disappointing silence of those vast monuments, without a single ancient Egyptian writing save the graffiti of workmen and the inscriptions of native visitors, this solitary record of the time is the one authoritative voice from the royal sepulchres, and it tells us in its short archaic formula that the whole myth of Osiris in its relations to human destiny was already matured. The king as Osiris has become divine and has vanquished his enemies (Brugsch, Hist., 2d ed., 58, 59).
The next family, Dynasty V., continued to rule at Memphis.1 Of its sovereigns we know but little. The last but one, Asia, is the first Pharaoh whom we know to have had two names, the throne-name as well as the ordinary one. To his son Ptah-hotep is assigned the ancient moral treatise already noticed in speaking of Egyptian literature, which is on the whole the best fruit of Egyptian thought that time has spared. The last king, Unas, varied the form of royal tombs, by constructing the great truncated pyramid now called Mastabat-Faraoon, or Pharaoh's Seat, north of the Pyramids of Dahshoor. (Id. 67.) The Sixth Dynasty was probably a family of a different part of Egypt.2 It has left many records which indicate less centralization at Memphis than those of the earlier sovereigns, and mark the beginning of wars for predatory purposes and extension of territory. This change is accompanied by a less careful style of sculpture, and less pains in the excavation of the tombs, as though the Egyptians were gaining a larger horizon, or, it may be, exchanging religion for ambition. The interest of the dynasty centres in the undoubtedly long reign of Pepi, second or third king of the line, and the inscription of Una. In this inscription we first read of great wars, and foreign conquered nations are spoken of by name. A military system had already begun, for we read how the king sent with Una an officer and soldiers to transport a sarcophagus for the royal tomb front the quarries of Turk. A war is then undertaken against the nomads of the eastern desert - the Amu (Shemites 1) and the Herusha, " those who are on the sand." An army is levied from the whole population of Upper and Lower Egypt, as though there were no military caste. Negroes are also enrolled front several countries mentioned by name, which must have been subject to Egypt, and are drilled by Egyptian officers, including priests. Una is appointed general in chief. Five separate expeditions are conducted by him into the country of the Herusha. It seems an error to suppose that this nation were Arabs of the desert, for the Egyptian general cut down their vines and their fig-trees (1) Another expedition was conducted by water against the same nation in a country called Takheba ? (De Rouge) or Terehba I (Brugsch), which M. de Rouge conjectures may be Arabia Petnea, or a part of Syria, remarking that it was near Egypt, for the expeditions seem to have been annual. The external activity of the reign of Pepi is also attested by a tablet at Wadee Magharah, and his public works by many inscriptions, among which we must not omit the occurrence of his name at Tanis, and in the inscription relating to the building of the temple of Dendarah. He founded a city called the "City of Pepi" in Middle Egypt, which has wholly disappeared, and tombs of his time are found in various parts of the Nile valley. His pyramid, which, like Memphis, was called the " good station," Men-nofer, was probably at the ancient capital, and may be one of the two great pyramids of Dahshoor, which are of later date than Dynasty IV., if we may judge from their structure, and both of which from their size imply reigns of the greatest prosperity and of long duration.
Pepi was succeeded by his son Merenra. The new king made Una governor of Upper Egypt, and employed him to bring blocks of granite from Elephantine for his pyramid, and in various other works of which the inscription already referred to gives most curious details. He was charged to obtain wood, which was provided by the prince of four Ethiopian nations already mentioned among those furnishing negroes to the great army of Pepi. We thus learn that tributary Ethiopia was ruled by a native prince or princes under the governor of Upper Egypt, who also had the power of establishing posts in the dependency. Una made four docks and timber-yards in Ethiopia for building boats, and attached a chapel to each. We may thus expect to find some record of Egyptian rule at this early time, long before the complete reduction of Lower Nubia, in territories far south ; for the timber-growing country does not begin for some distance within the tropics.
Merenra was followed by his younger brother Neferkara, and, according to Manetho, the dynasty ended with the beautiful Queen Nitoeris, whose name appears in the Turin Papyrus, but whose exact historical place is not certain. If she was buried in the Third Pyramid, of which Manetho, according to the copyists, makes her the builder, she enlarged the original work of Mencheres, and certainly no pyramid is so evidently not merely a double structure but one of double design. Nitocris is almost the only Egyptian whose historical character has been lost in a succession of legends. One version of her story is the most ancient form of that of Cinderella ; in another, she still bewitched the Arab of the Middle Ages when he approached her pyramid (cf. 'gasper°, Hist. AnC., 94).
With the later part of Dynasty VI. the second great chasm in Egyptian history begins, and we have no monuments to guide us until the time of Dynasty XI. According to Manetho, Dynasties VII. and VIII. were of Memphites, and IX. and X. of Heracleopolites, the Diospolite or Theban line comprising Dynasties XI., XII., and XIII. Whether the dynasties which intervened between the VIth and XIIth were contemporary or successive, and how much time they occupied, cannot yet be proved. In the Tablet of Abydos, a series of kings unknown from other monuments follows Dynasty VI., and precedes two kings of Dynasty XI. In the Chamber of Kings of El-Karnak other and earlier kings of Dynasty XI. are named, with curious indications that it was first but a local line. To the period of the earlier kings of Dynasty XI. belongs Entef-aa, who reigned at least fifty years. It would appear that the Memphite kingdom waned, and that another line arose at Thebes, the house of the Entefs and Mentuhoteps. The power of these kings gradually increased, and at last one of them reunited under a single rule the whole of Egypt. (Maspero, Hist. Aar., 98, 99.) Probably the Ileracleopolite line, Dynasties IX., X., was a local house contemporary with the Memphites or Thebans, or both.
With Dynasty XII.1 the Theban line was firmly established over all Egypt. In the circumstances referred to in the " Instructions " of Amenemhat I., its first king, to his son Usurtesen I., we have a glimpse into the unquiet condition of the country when the line arose (Id., 101). Similarly the custom of associating the heir apparent as king with his father, the peculiarity of this dynasty, indicates the dangers that then surrounded the throne (ef. Id, 105).
It is to the grottoes of Benee-Hasan that we owe most of our knowledge of the manners and arts of Egypt under Dynasty XII., and much of its history is there told in the memoirs of a family of governors under the first five kings of this house. No one can have examined these beautiful tombs without being struck by the advance in architecture which they show, and the evidence of prosperity and cultivation afforded by their paintings. The subjects resemble those of the tombs of the earlier dynasties, but there is a greater variety, partly due to a inure luxurious condition of society, partly to a more flexible art. It is sufficiently evident that the preceding dynasty (XI.) cannot have been weak, and the country under its ride distracted. A time of prosperity must have preceded this bright period of Egyptian history.
Amenemhat I., probably a successful minister of an earlier king (Brngsch, Hist., 2d ed., 79, 80, 84), had an active and prosperous reign, ruling like Pepi beyond Egypt to the south, and occupying himself in the construction of various monuments. As the head of a new line he paid special attention to the boundaries of territories, to the regulation of the inundation, and to the confirmation of hereditary governors (Benee-Hasan inscr. ; Brugsch, 2d ed., 94, 95). A very curious view of the state of Egypt in his time is given us by the story of Sandia in a hieratic papyrus of the Berlin .1useum (translated by M. Goodwin, in Records of the Past, vi. 131, sm.). It is the history of an Egyptian who fled from the king and took refuge with a neighbouring prince, whose territory unhappily we cannot as yet determine, and after a long sojourn sought his sovereign's pardon and returned home to be taken into the favour of Amenemhat. The reception of the fugitive abroad, his home-sickness, and the kindness of the Pharaoh, who at the same time is described in terms of the most abject respect, form an interesting picture, and one remarkably illustrating several events in the history of Egypt.
Under Usurtesen I., the co-regent and successor of Amenemhat I., Egypt had reached its highest prosperity after the age of the pyramid-builders of Dynasty IV. The obelisk which still marks the site of Heliopolis, a fragment of a statue at Tanis, inscriptions on the rocks of the Sinaitie peninsula, and a stele from Wadee lialfeh, recording foreign conquests in the south, now in the Naples Museum, attest the splendour of this reign. The records of private individuals are, however, its most instructive memorials. Mentuhotep has given us a picture of the power and status of an Egyptian prime minister, holding all or nearly all the functions of the members of a modern cabinet, a position singularly parallel to that of Joseph, to the detail that even great men bowed before him. To his stele we owe the information that he gained successes against the Asiatics, the Herusha, and the negroes. (Brugsch, Hist., 2d ed., 91, sm.) Of Amenemhat II. and Usurtesen II., the next kings, there is little to relate but that Egypt continued to prosper. It was under Usurtesen III. that a great step in advance was made by the fixing of the boundaries of the Egyptian dominion beyond the Second Cataract, at Semneh and Kummeh, where this king built sanctuaries and fortresses, and placed great boundary-marks in the form of tablets. These in their inscriptions define the limits of the kingdom, and regulate the passage of negroes by the river (Id., 102). Here and throughout Nubia, Usurtesen was worshipped in subsequent times. He had introduced a settled govermnent into the country, which long after was virtually a part of Egypt rather than a dependency. His successor Amenemhat III. is chiefly famous for his great engineering works. That care which the first Amenemhat bestowed on the regulation of the inundation seems to have been the great object of his reign. The rocks of Senmeh and Rummell bear registers of the height of the Nile in several years of his reign. His great enterprise, the most successful of its kind ever carried out in Egypt, was the construction of a vast artificial reservoir, Lake Mceris, in the province now called the .Eeiyomn, which received the waters of the Nile by a canal, and after the inundation spread them over the country. Its fisheries were also very valuable. Through the neglect of ages the site of Lake Mceris was forgotten until, in our time, M. Linant traced it. Near the lake, Amenemhat ID. built the famous Labyrinth, of which the remains were discovered by Dr Lepsius during the Prussian Expedition to Egypt, and there raised a pyramid. The use of the Labyrinth is unknown ; the pyramid was no doubt the royal tomb. Its moderate dimensions and the vast size of the lake show a remarkable contrast to the earlier great pyramids, with apparently no corresponding work of public usefulness. At the time which produced the Lake Mceris civilization had reached a point far above that of the age of Khufu, perhaps the highest Egypt has ever known. Of the short reigns of Amenenthat 1V. and Queen Sebek-nefru-ra we know nothing, but that with the latter the dynasty came to a close.
With the accession of Dynasty XIII. we reach the third chasm in the Egyptian monumental records. This line, Theban like its predecessor, but with a special favour for Middle Egypt (V. Brugsch, Mist., 24 ed. 115), seems to have ruled all Egypt. Its power, however, was evidently weakened, either by external war or by internal dissension. Many monuments may have been lost or may yet lie hid in the mounds of towns of Middle Egypt, but the scantiness of records of public works is a proof of its weakness. Where are its tablets in the quarries '1 In the Turin Papyrus are preserved the lengths of several of the reigns of its kings, who generally bore the names Sebek-hotep or Nefer-hotep. The longest reign is 13 years, and but one other reaches 10, the total of 13 reigns being but 48 years 22 days, and 6 sums of months and 7 of days effaced. Putting the total at 50 years, the allowance for each reign is under 4 years. This must have been a time of disturbance, but not necessarily of disastrous wars ; for if we compare the rule of the second line of Memlook sultans we obtain an average reign of 5 years each. This we know to have been the consequence of domestic disturbance, and not of great public disasters at home or abroad. Dynasty XIV., of Xoites, the next in Manetho's list, is the first which had certainly its capital in the Delta. Beyond this fact we can only conjecture its importance and chronological place.
The invasion and conquest, at least in part, of Egypt by the Hyksos, or Shepherd Kings, is undoubtedly the chief cause of the obscurity of this age. The event did not happen until at least some time after the beginning of Dynasty XIII., for the eighteenth king of that line in the Turin Papyrus, who bears the significant name Mer-mesha, " the general," has left a record at Tanis near the eastern frontier, which was probably the chief city of at least one dynasty of the invaders.
Manetho, as cited by Josephus, allows for the stay of the foreigners in Egypt a period of 511 years, which has been supposed to be about the interval beween Dynasty XII. and Dynasty XVIII., by which they were expelled. This number, however, rests upon the single evidence of Josephus, and is moreover probably made up of sums of dynasties, which would render its evidence doubtful. A bett.3r means of measuring the period would be afforded by the monumental evidence that a Shepherd king ruled 400 years before Ramses If. could we place this foreign sovereign. All that can be said as to the chronology is that Dynasty XV. and XVI. were probably of Shepherds, and Dynasty XVII. was certainly Theban. Judging from the numbering, it is probable that there was a break in the Theban succession, and that the two Shepherd dynasties were successive, the Xoites perhaps being but a provincial line.1 The story of the Hyksos is thus told by Manetho. Under a king called Timaios, or Timaos (not recognized in the list or on the monuments), certain invaders from the East conquered Egypt without a battle, destroying the temples and slaying or enslaving the people. At length they made one of themselves, Salatis by name, king, who ruled at Memphis, and made all Egypt tributary. For the better protection of the eastern border be rebuilt and fortified the city Avaris, in the Sethroite nome in Lower Egypt, where he kept a great force of soldiers. He was succeeded by other kings mentioned by name, who, and their descendants, held Egypt for 511 years. After this the kings of the Thebais and of the rest of Egypt rose against the Shepherd rule, and a great and long war was waged, until Misphragmuthosis drove the Shepherds out of all Egypt except Avaris, where his son Tuthmosis besieged them, and failing to take the place agreed to a capitulation, on the condition that they should be allowed to leave the country. Accordingly they went through the desert to Judas and founded Jerusalem. They were called Hyksos, or Shepherd kings, and, according to some, they were Arabs.
This narrative, notwithstanding a general confirmation from the monuments, is evidently not wholly correct. In particular it is inconsistent with all other evidence in attributing the foundation of Jerusalem to the Shepherds, which is evidently the result of an endeavour to connect their departure with the Exodus. Manetho seems to have preserved two Egyptian theories of the Exodus, which both explained that event as the retreat of eastern invaders. M. Mariette's researches in the ruins of Tanis have brought to light monuments of the Shepherds, and led to the discovery of others elsewhere, while M. de Bongo and other scholars have explained Egyptian documents connected with the war of independence. From these different sources we learn that the foreigners were of the Shemite or a kindred type, resembling the modern inhabitants of the north-east of Lower Egypt, who still retains the peculiarities already noticed by Greek writers. Though their conquest may have been marked by violence, we find them in their own monuments using and cultivating the manners and civilization of Egypt, and even giving a new and characteristic development to its art in their costly monoliths of granite, which show from their material that their rule extended to the southern boundary of Egypt. The war of independence arose between Apepee, one of their later kings, who is described as worshipping Seth only, and one of the three Theban kings called on the monuments lia-skenen Taa, at this time apparently a tributary prince. Time war, contrary to Manetho's statement, does not seem to have been of long continuance, having been brought to a successful end by Aahmes, first king of Dynasty XVIII., between whom and Ba-skenen Taa no great length of time can have elapsed. Manetho's text is again erroneous in making the conqueror Tuthmosis (Thothmes IV.), son (grandson) of Misphragmuthosis (Thothmes III.), sixth and fifth sovereigns of Dynasty XVIII. in his list; but this may be a confusion due to copyists, as there is other evidence that he placed the conquest of the Shepherds under Amosis, or Aahmes. The expulsion of the foreigners was not so complete as Manetho would have us imagine. Several names in their territory remained Shemite, or the population non-Egyptian, and under Dynasty XIX. the prejudice that appears in Dynasty XVIII. seems almost removed.
It must be here noticed that Dr Brugsch has copied a remarkable inscription, from the tomb at Eilethyia of Baba, whom he assigns to the latter part of Dynasty XVII., in which mention is made of a famine of successive years. " A famine having broken out during many years, I gave corn to the town during each famine." There are but two known instances in history of a famine in Egypt lasting several years, the seven years' famine of Joseph and the seven years' famine of the Fatimee caliph El-Mustansir. Dr Brugsch has, therefore, argued with high probability that Baba records the famine of Joseph, and that the old tradition that Joseph governed Egypt under the Shepherd King Apophis is a true one (cf. sepia, p. 735, note 1). To this we shall recur in speaking of the Exodus. (See Brugsch, Ha, 2 ed. 174, seqq.) The beginning of Dynasty XVIII. (n.c. 1600-15002) is marked by two great events, the union of divided Egypt under one head, and the victorious end of the great war with the Shepherds.' Aahmes, probably a Theban prince, appears to have secured the supreme rule over the various princes of Egypt, without abolishing their rights, and to have gained Ethiopian support by his marriage with Nefru-ari, daughter of a king of Ethiopia. He then directed his whole power to the final liberation of Egypt. The tomb at Eilethyia of Aahmes son of Abuna, an officer of the Egyptian flotillas, in an inscription relating his services, throws light on the events of this war. He passed his early youth in the fortress of Eilethyia, one of the strong positions where the kings of Dynasty XVII. rallied their subjects. In the reign of Aahmes he was made officer of the ship called the "Calf." Later he went to the flotilla of the north to fight. It was during the siege of the✓fortress of Avaris. He served in the vessel " Ruling in Memphis," a name no doubt given to commemorate the addition of the ancient capital to the dominions of Aahmes. An engagement took place on the water near Avaris. Subsequently Avaris was taken, and the young officer carried off three captives, whom the king granted him as slaves. This was in the. fifth year of Aahmes ; in the next we read of the conquest of Sharuhan, the Sharuhen of the book of Joshua, in the south-west of Palestine. The memoir then adds that, after having slain the Shepherds of Asia, the king undertook a successful expedition against an Ethiopian country. (See Brugsch, Mist., 1 ed. 80,81.) Tins narrative, while generally confirming Manetho's story, corrects it in some particulars. It states that Avaris was taken, not that it capitulated, and indicates a pursuit of the enemy within the territory of Palestine, where they were again conquered in a city which they attempted to hold. The Ethiopian expedition was a reassertion of the Egyptian dominion to the south. Two tablets in the Tura quarries record how, in the twenty-second year of his reign, Aahmes restored the temples which had fallen into decay, the blocks being removed by bulls under the charge of Phoenicians? (Feukhu) (Brugsch, Dist., 2 ed. 173, 174). It may be recollected that the Phoenicians appear as skilled smiths and masons in the time of Solomon, and that as early as the Exodus they were already great metalworkers.
From the time of Aahmes till the close of Dynasty XX. we may reckon the rise, fulness, and decay of the Egyptian Empire. It is a period of abundant monuments, sculptured and painted, and of many papyri, rich in records of the history, manners, and religion of Egypt. The state of the country may be glanced at in this place, where the Shepherd period closes, so as not to break the continuity of the subsequent history.
The sudden growth of prosperity at home and power abroad which marks the early reigns of Dynasty XVIII. is truly surprising. The Egypt of Dynasty XVII. is broken up and only slowly reuniting ; that of Dynasty XVIII is at once solidly bound together, and soon to engage in designs of world-dominion never hinted at in earlier times. These conditions were the result of a great national war, in which the country discovered her hidden force, and was not content to use it only so far as was needful to make a strong Egypt like that of Dynasty XII. Having conquered her foreign rulers at home, she desired to add their native lands to her own dominions. The first effects of these designs were the enrichment of Egypt. In the early reigns of this house the wealth of the subjects as of the king rapidly grew. From the simple monuments of Dynasty XVII. and the first kings of Dynasty XV1IL there is a sudden advance to richness and splendour. Egypt was, however, becoming a military state. The king is constantly more powerful, and his public works more magnificent ; the subjects, notwithstanding the luxury of individuals, have not that solid princely strength that we admire in those of the Pyramid kings and Dynasty XII. The appearance of the horse under this dynasty is most significant. The beasts of burden, the ox and ass, now yield in importance to the war-horse, and the landed proprietor journeys in his car whose ancestor went afoot staff in hand. Thus the military man succeeds the fanner. The priest is no longer a great man who has assumed sacerdotal functions, but one of a class immensely extended, reaching from the highest dignitaries, one of whom, strengthened by hereditary power, could at last seize the throne, down to the menial class who lived upon the superstitions of the people. To carry on the government there grew side by side with soldiers and priests a vast official body, clever, ambitious, and unscrupulous, which rapidly on the true bureaucratic principle involved the administration in an entanglement which must have mainly led to the decline of the Empire. Justice, which was difficult at home, must have been almost impossible abroad. We now cease to hear of hereditary nomarchs studying the welfare of provinces to which they were attached by ancestral connection. All posts went by the royal favour. The common people fared ill in this age. Their function was to supply soldiers for the army and navy, and at first to take their share in the construction of public works ; their only hope was to rise in the official class. Handicrafts and all labour were beneath a gentleman ; hence no one could rise to his grade but through success at the schools, which were open to every one, and where a boy of talent had his chance of a career (ef. Brugsch., 1 ed. 16,17).
Of the administration of provinces and conquered states we know little. Lower Ethiopia had always been ruled as a part of Egypt ; this system was extended southward. At first the eastern states only paid tribute. Ultimately garrisons were placed in Palestine and Phu:nicht (Brugsch, Mist., 1 ed. 135). Compared with the Assyrians the Egyptians were civilized conquerors, and the sculptures of their battles do not represent any scenes of extreme cruelty. They do not, however, seem to have known the art of effectually holding their acquisitions, which had to be reconquered over and over again, until the inevitable tide of conquest on the other side set in, and the Empire fell.
On examining the earliest monuments of Dynasty XVIII. we are startled by their astonishing resemblance to those of Dynasty XI., a resemblance which would, had we Co historical evidence on the other side, justify the leap of the Tablet of Abydos from Dynasty XII. to XVIII. This may be partly explained as a renaissance of art due to a royal descent traced rather to Dynasty XI. than Dynasty XII. Similarly under Dynasty XXVI. there was a renaissance of the art of the age of the early Memphite Dynasties. We must also not lose sight of the local character of Egyptian art and its intense conservatism, which may have preserved an ancient type through many centuries. The early art of Dynasty XVIII. has this character of a survival ; that of Dynasty XXVI. is clearly a modern imitation.
The art of this age is in some respects the finest Egypt produced ; it is, perhaps, best about the time of Thothmes III. and Amenophis II., the middle of Dynasty XVIII. It is inferior in naturalism to the art of Dynasty IV., and in delicacy to that of Dynasty XII., but it has a certain splendour before wanting. After it had attained its highest point it slowly declined, partly from a decay in the vigour of the national character, perhaps more from the vast size of the later monuments, which must have led •L3 a neglect of finish in the details, though this neglect can only be seen by one who is thoroughly acquainted with the Egyptian styles. At all times there is an invincible patience in the mastery of material and the execution of detail. The temples, not the kings' tombs, are now the largest and most costly edifices ; though a compromise with the old idea is effected by making grand temples as sepulchral chapels in religious connection with the royal tombs, commemorating in their sculptures the events of the reigns. The tombs of subjects do not maintain the proportion the earlier ones hold to the royal sepulchres. Their paintings have less of daily life, and religion takes a greater and growing place on the walls. We have, however, a multitude of interesting scenes, which show us a life more luxurious in the many than that of earlier times, but not as splendid in the few. There is more of feasting, of music, and the dance, less of country life and the welfare of the retainers. The royal tombs are now grottoes deeply cut in the rock, and the pictures of their walls are religious, the historical part being left to the funereal temples.
Amenhotep or Amenophis I., son of Aahmes and his Ethiopian queen, carried on the Ethiopian wars. It is of his son, the next king, Thothmes I., that the great eastern campaigns are first recorded. He advanced as far as the Euphrates, and must therefore have subdued, or at least marched through, the greatest part of Phcenicia and Syria. The prosperity of Egypt at this time is shown by the splendid works he executed in the great temple of Amen-ra at Thebes, the earliest of their kind that we can trace, and apparently the beginning of the series which was only to cease with the fall of the Empire. The employment of captives in public works was the main means by which they could be carried out. Probably after a time all that Egypt could. do was to furnish men for the army, and in even this she failed when the dynasty came to an end. Before his death Thothmes I. had associated with him on the throne his daughter Hatshepu, or Hatasu (Maspero, Ilist. AnC., 201), who succeeded him with her elder brother and husband Thothmes II. Her power is an evidence of the importance the a king, being represented in male attire, a circumstance to which the monuments present no parallel.
After the seemingly uneventful reign of Thothmes II., Hatshepu was associated, apparently as regent,•with her younger brother Thothmes III., and usurped the sole power. It is in this time that she appears as a king. She continued the works of the temple of Amen-ra, where at Thebes. The glimpse we thus gain into the state of the civilization of the spice-growing countries at this remote age is most valuable, and explains the facility with which the southern dominions of Egypt were held. The nations in this direction were not masses of barbarous tribes, but their civilization did not take the direction of the pursuits of war.
Hatshepu had reigned about twenty-one years when Thothmes III. succeeded her. He carefully effaced her Whether he thus included his brother's reign or not we do have great insight into the condition of Syria and Palestine about the 15th century B.C.
It will be well here to glance for a moment at the Egyptian geography of this territory. There is great difficulty in explaining it, probably due to the different names apparently given to the same countries and peoples at one and the same time or at different times. We may, however, gain somewhat in clearness by observing that more than one important geographical name can only be an Egyptian appellative. Thus the Shasu, who were wander-. ing Arabs of the desert, who moved up as now into Palestine for pasturage or on predatory excursions, are nothing but " robbers." Most other names may be probably identified with Semitic equivalents. Syria is called Khal : this word is connected with Syria by the late equivalent Asher (cf. Maspero, Hist. Anc., 181, note 1), which shows that the Egyptians then identified Syria and Assyria. The great nation of Syria in the time of Thothmes III. was the Ruten. These may be the Shemites of the stock of Lud, and may be also the Lydians in a primitive seat. Under Ramses II. the Kheta, a northern division of the Hittites, held the political position of the Ruten, as though the Ruten bad migrated. As the Ruten probably represent the AramTans, so the Hittites represent the Canaanites. The Phoenicians appear to be the Kefa ; in the time of Thothmes III. they held an insular position in the Mediterranean, probably Cyprus; under Ptolemy III., they give their name to Phcenicia. They are clearly the Biblical Caplatorim. The Philistines do not appear- until the time of Ramses III. None of the primitive nations whom the Bible mentions as supplanted in the period before Joshua have been traced on the monuments, nor is there any clear notice before the time of Sheshonk I. (Shishak) of the Terahitcs. The period of Thothmes III. is one of Ararnan supremacy, that of Ramses II. of Canaanite ; together they well correspond to the age before the Israelite conquest, while the condition of the time of Ramses III. suits the latest age of the Judges. The names of towns present less difficulty. Many are traceable in Biblical geography, and here but one indication occurs which may point to Israelite occupation.
The Egyptian conquests on the east being tributary, there were constant revolts on the accession of new sovereigns. It was thus that Thothmes III., on becoming sole ruler, had immediately to reduce the Ruten and their neighbours. This caused the series of eastern campaigns, which began in the twenty-second year, very early in his sole reign, and certainly extended to the forty-second, during which whole time there was seldom a year of repose. The If they were marked by barbarity, there is no boast of ought but conquest and the levying of tribute. The tribute no less than a contemporary painting shows the great material civilization of the Asiatic states. Throughout, the Ituten are the most formidable enemies ; the Kheta only appear. The first great achievement was the defeat before Megiddo of a confeieracy led by the prince of Ketesh, or Kadesh on the Orontes. In the battle only 83 of the enemy were killed, and 340 taken prisoners ; but the magnitude of the success is proved by the capture of 2232 horses, 924 chariots, and the speedy surrender of Megiddo. This town, as in Josiah's time, was the key of the route to the Euphrates, and on its capture the king of the Ruten and the king of Assur are mentioned as becoming tributaries. In the course of the wars Kadesh was captured twice, and the king of Egypt marched as far as Nineveh, and the name of Babel is mentioned. The reign of Thothmes was also marked by expeditions in Ethiopia, and then we first meet with the supposed Egyptian name of the Danai, with whom he came in contact during some expedition in the Mediterranean. Great buildings commemorate this active reign, and we have a glimpse of the personal character of the king in the eccentric architecture of one of his additions to the temple of Amen-ra at Thebes. After a reign of 54 years 11 months, reckoning from the accession of Hatshepu, Thothmes III. was succeeded by his son Amenophis II.
The accession of the new king was marked by a war in Assyria, in which he captured Nineveh. An incident of his eastern campaigns is remarkable for its Oriental barbarism. He brought back to Egypt the bodies of seven kings whom lie had slain with his own hands. The heads of six were placed on the walls of Thebes ; the seventh was sent to remote Napata in Ethiopia to be hung on the walls to strike terror into the negroes. After a prosperous but probably short reign, Amenophis II. was succeeded by his son Thothmes IV., of whom we only know that he maintained his father's empire during a reign that probably did not exceed the nine years assigned to him by Mauetho.
Amenophis III. succeeded his father, and, during a long and it seems mainly pacific reign, occupied himself in great architectural works. Two temples at Thebes owe their origin to him, that on the western bank, which was the funereal temple of his tomb in the western valley beyond, and of which little now remains but the two great statues in the plain, the Vocal Memnon and its fellow, and also the temple of El-Uksur on the eastern bank. In his time the dimensions of the structures of the earlier kings are surpassed, and the proportions of the greatest monuments of the Empire are almost attained. Probably he was the first of the family after A.ahmes who took a foreigner to wife. On the great scarabmi which commemorate his marriage, with Queen Tai, we are informed that his rule extended from Mesopotamia to Southern Ethiopia.
Amenophis IV., the son of this foreign marriage, is the most perplexing character in ancient Egyptian history. Under his mother's influence he introduced a new religion, the worship of Aten, the solar disk, and after a time wholly suppressed the national religion, even changing his name to Khu-n-aten. Abandoning Thebes as the capital, lie founded a new city in Middle Egypt, where he constructed a chief temple to Aten, and near which his officials excavated their tombs in the mountain. The type under which the king and his family and subjects are represented is unlike any other in Egyptian art. They are all of emaciated and distended figure, and surpassing ugliness. The king is treated with a servile respect nowhere else seen on the monuments. His troops are mixed with foreign mercenaries. But we do not hear of foreign expeditions; every one is occupied in the duties of the new religion, without polytheism or idols. Flowers are the chief offerings and adorn the temple throughout ; hymns chanted to the sound of harps are the form of worship. Was this a foreign religion, or an Egyptian restoration of primitive belief'? If it were Egyptian why was the sun called A ten, not Ra The king was the son of a foreigner, and his type and that which marks his court, probably because some were of his mother's race, and art assumed the fashionable type for the rest, is not recognizable in any of the characteristic representations of foreign races. It is neither Ethiopian nor Shemite nor Libyan. The names of his mother and of her parents, the name of the sun-god, which is Egyptian, and the character of the worship, do not as far as we know point to any of these races. Certainly they are not Semitic. For race and religion we must probably look beyond the horizon of the Egyptian conquests. The type is not without an Indian aspect, and the religion has in its simplicity and the character of its worship a striking likeness to Vedism.
Khu-n-aten had seven daughters and no son. His successor Ai was his foster-brother and the husband of his eldest daughter. Under him the national religion was tolerated. Two other sons-in-law succeeded. Their lino then or soon after came to an end, on the accession of Harem-heb, or Horns, who claimed to be the legitimate successor of Amenophis III., either by descent or on account of the innovations of Khu-n-aten, who with the kindred kings does not appear in the monumental lists, in which Har-em-heb is seen as the immediate successor of Amenophis III. The same order is followed in Manetho's list, in which the house of Khu-n-aten follows Horns. What time this line lasted we do not know. Probably it did not exceed a generation. Horns occupied himself in destroying the monuments of Khu-n-aten and his successors, and no doubt in fully restoring the national religion.
Another family gained the throne after the reign of Horns, that of the Bamessides, forming Dynasties XIX. and XX.1 Ramses I., who seems to have been of Lower Egyptian extraction, and not impossibly connected by ancestry with the Shepherd kings, seized the royal power, maintained his authority abroad by campaigns in the south and the east, and concluded a treaty of peace with the king of the Hittites. After a very short reign he left the crown to his son Setee I., or Sethos, who strengthened his rights by marrying Tai, a granddaughter of Amenophis Ramses II., the son of this marriage, thus became legitimate king, and Setee made him his colleague at a very early age, no doubt to conciliate the Egyptians, a position at first ignored, evidently owing to the difficulty of defining it, but which ended in the virtual abdication of Setee (Maspero, Hst. Anc., 215-217). The troubles that preceded the reign of Ramses I. must have weakened the foreign dominion of Egypt. Wars in the east occupied the earliest years of Setee. The Kheta had now succeeded to the Ruten in the supremacy of Northern Syria. Although Setee conquered the Kheta and captured Kadesh, now their chief town, the war ended by the conclusion of a second treaty between the Egyptian and Hittite kings. It is not necessary to suppose, with M. Maspero (II1st. Axe., 215), that the Egyptian Empire was already waning, because it was thus barred off from Further Asia and obliged to meet the Hittite king on equal terms. The conditions were no doubt changed from those of the time of Thothmes III., but the list of the confederacy which the next king of the Kheta led against Ramses II., compared with that which Thothmes defeated at Megiddo, shows that the Kheta could bring into the field much inure formidable allies than did the Ruten. Moreover there was a change in the foreign policy of Egypt. Pheenicia, and Palestine were ruled by means of a chain of fortresses held by Egyptian garrisons. (Brugsch, Hist., 1 ed. 135; Maspero, Hist. Anc., 215.) If the Empire was narrowed in its limits, it was more solidly ruled ; and this is quite consistent with the conclusion of a treaty with the Kheta. As a builder Setee I. is only equalled by Ramses II. He constructed the great hall of columns of El-Karnak, on the outside of the north wall of which he commemorated his victories in a series of most interesting sculptures. His splendid tomb is in the Valley of the Tombs of the Kings.
Ramses II. is without doubt the greatest figure irr the long line of the Pharaohs, and at the same time be is the one of whose character we have the best idea. His early training was in war and in government, for it cannot be a pure figure of speech by which the tablet found near Dakkeh in Nubia says that when he was but ten years old no monuments were executed without his orders (Brugsch, Hist., 1 ed. 137). This position was due to his superior right to the throne. Before the death of Setee I. the maritime nations of the Mediterranean made a descent on Egypt. The Shardana, or Sardones, and the Tuirsha, or Tyrseni, allied with the Libyans in this enterprise. Ramses defeated them so effectually that they do not seem to have again attacked Egypt till the reign of his son Menptah, about seventy years or more later. The captives of the Shardana instead of being employed in public works were enrolled in the king's guard. After an expedition against Ethiopia, Ramses, on the death of Setee, returned to Egypt. Early in his sole reign the peace between the Egyptians and the Hittites was broken. The king of the Hittites formed a great confederacy. The nations of Asia Minor, the Mysians, the Lycians, the Dardans, the people of Ilium, are found in the list of the poem of Pentaur, the Egyptian Ramesseid, which appropriately records the oldest war in which Troy had a part. To bring together the army of the confederates time must have been needed. Probably the war was determined on by the Hittites on the accession of the new king. The great campaign was that of the fifth year of Ramses. The decisive battle was preceded by a repulse, when the Egyptian army, deceived by the Arabs (Shasu), were suddenly, while on the march, attacked and routed by the enemy, who numbered no less than 2500 war-chariots. It was only by the personal bravery of Ramses that the Egyptians escaped destruction. This incident is the main subject of the poem of Pentaur. But on the next day the great battle was fought ; the confederates were beaten and retreated into Kadesh. The Hittite king now sued for peace, which was granted. It was speedily broken. In his eighth year Ramses took Shalam, probably Salem or Jerusalem, Maram (Merom), and Tapur (Dabir 1 near Mount Tabor), Bethanath, and Damon. In his eleventh year he captured Ascalon. The war does not seem to have been ended until the Hittite king Klietasar proposed conditions of peace which he brought to Ramses written on a silver tablet. The treaty concluded on these bases in the twenty-first year of Ramses is sculptured at El-Karnak. It is a most interesting document, being an alliance offensive and defensive, with articles of extradition, remarkable for their humanity, and others for the protection of commerce (Maspero, Hist. Anc., 222, 223). Both kings swore to observe the compact, which was a renewal of the previous treaties. It is remarkable that in this document the Hittite prince, instead of being called the "vile chief of the Kheta," is now the " great king," the style given to Ramses also. The eldest daughter of the Hittite king was taken in marriage as queen by Ramses, in whose twenty-third year Khetasar visited his son-in-law in Egypt. This alliance does not seem to have been broken for full a century, and then by conquerors who overcame the resistance of the Kheta and carried them with them. The remainder of the reign of Ramses appears to have been undisturbed by great wars, and given up to those vast buildings which are found throughout Egypt and Nubia, and which give him the first place among the architect Pharaohs. About the thirtieth year of his reign, his fourth son, the eldest surviving, was made regent, and on the death of this prince in the fifty-fifth year, Menptah the thirteenth son, now heir, took this post, holding it for the rest of his father's reign, which ended in the sixty-seventh year. Ramses must then have been at least near a hundred years old, perhaps more.1 He married three queens, and apparently had by them 23 sons and at least 13 daughters. The whole number of his children was 170, of whom 111 were sons and 59 daughters. All are styled princes or princesses, but probably only the children of queens had the right of succession.
Menptah succeeded Ramses II. There are but few monuments of his reign. The principal event they relate is a great incursion into the Delta of the maritime nations of the Mediterranean allied with the Libyans. By this time the Pelasgic tribes had wrested the dominion of the sea from the Phceuicians. Some causes, perhaps famines, had already disposed them to move from Asia Minor and the Greek islands, seeking new establishments in Egypt. The attempt that Ramses II. defeated in the lifetime of Setee was now renewed, apparently on a more formidable scale. The king of the Rebu (Libyans), with the warriors of several tribes joined the Shardana (Sardones), the Shakalasha (Sikels), the Leku (Lycians), the Tuirsha (Tyrseni), and the Akaiusha (Achmans). They had already entered Egypt and spread themselves over the west of the Delta, where they intended to settle, when the Egyptian forces attacked them and put them to rout after a battle of six hours' duration. It is remarkable that in this confederacy the Shakalasha and Akaiusha are added to the former list, and the Leku, who were in the Hittite confederacy against Ramses II., now appear on the west. Everything indicates the growing strength of the maritime nations and that power of united action which marked the period of the Trojan War. For the time the invasion was checked, but the Empire was evidently failing. The Hittites, indeed, were true to the treaty, and during famine were supplied with corn from Egypt, and the external provinces seem to have continued quiet. But side by side with the kingly power that of the high priests of Amen-ra had grown to formidable dimensions,- owing probably to the interest Ramses and Menptah showed for Lower Egypt, which put the weight of Thebes on the side of the highest local functionary. Menptah was not immediately followed by his son Setee II. There intervened two reigns, those of Amen; meses and Siptah, the first of the Ramses family by descent, the second, apparently, by marriage. They appear to have been of a branch holding a local principality. Setee II, succeeded them and restored the legitimate line. His reign •losed in anarchy. There was no longer one king : the chiefs of the nomes ruled and engaged in civil war. A worse period followed. A Syrian, Arisu by name, became chief of the nomarchs, society was dissolved, and the temple-services neglected. We are as yet unable to say how this revolution began. It seems to have had nothing to do with foreign wars, but to have been brought about by internal weakness. The time it lasted must have been long, according to the Papyrus of Ramses III., from which alone we know of it. There "many years " are assigned to the period of the nomarchs and "years" to the rule of the Syrian.
As the Exodus is now generally held to have occurred in the later years of Dynasty XIX., its place in Egyptian history may best be here noticed. The view referred to was first carefully worked out by Prof. Lepsius. It rests upon chronological and historical grounds. Manetho, apparently adopting a tradition, placed the Exodus in the reign of Menptah. The number of generations assigned in the Bible to the interval from the Exodus to Solomon would bring the former event to about the same time. This approximative date is in accordance with that of the Rabbinical chronology, B.C. 1314-13. The coincidence is, however, valueless, for the interval from the Exodus to the building of Solomon's Temple, in the Rabbinical chronology, is that of the Hebrew text, 480 years. The date of the Exodus should therefore be about B.C. 1480. The difference between 1480 and 1314-13 is caused by an error in the date of the building of the Second Temple, which is put B.C. 354, only 46 years before the date of Alexander's death, which is dated B.C. 308, or 15 years too late. There is thus a mistake of more than a century in so cardinal a date as the building of the Second Temple. If an event of this importance, occurring only 800 years before the drawing up of the chronology, is thus incorrectly dated, and a period of Jewish history obliterated, surely the date of the Exodus cannot rest upon any accurate information. The historical grounds are far stronger than the chronological. Manetho, relating, if we may trust Josephus, a current tradition (iraip CUP 8' 0 MavEthlw o b EK TC711, rap' Alyvirriots ypap.p.arow, /VC, 4/3 AUTOS WitoX6yrpccv, EK r(7.a, 4.8E1F7r0TOn /21.100A0)101J/J11/OW rposTiOccev, Zarepov e€iy$6.) 'car& p.lpos, K. 7. X., Contr. Ap., 1G), and Josephus is here confirmed by the evidence which the narrative shows of historical inaccuracy, has given an account of the Exodus from an Egyptian point of view. This story is the fullest version of one current in various forms in antiquity. As Manetho tells it, the chief points are these. King Amenophis, identified by him with Menptah, who occurs in his lists as Amenophis and Ammenephthis, determined, under the advice of a priest of the same name as himself, Amenophis the son of Papis, to cleanse Egypt of all lepers and other unclean persons, whom, accordingly, he set to work in the quarries. On their petition he gave them the city Avaris, left in ruins by the Shepherds. Having occupied the city, they chose one of themselves, a priest of Heliopolis, by name Osarsiph, as their ruler, who changed his name to Moyses. He made laws particularly directed against the Egyptian religion, and sent messengers to Jerusalem to the Shepherds, who had been expelled by the Egyptians, asking their aid and promising to give them their old territory Avaris, and to assist them to subdue Egypt. Accordingly the Shepherds invaded Egypt, when Amenophis came against them, but for superstitious reasons did not fight them, and withdrew to the friendly king of Ethiopia, in whose country be remained thirteen years, his ally protecting the southern Egyptian border. Meanwhile the people of Jerusalem and the unclean Egyptians ravaged Egypt, and destroyed everything connected with the national religion. Afterwards Amenophis and his son Sethos, also called Ramesses, returned and expelled the Shepherds and the unclean people. Chieremon gives a similar account with the same name for the king. Lysimacbus and Tacitus vary in calling the king Bocchoris.
The Egyptian evidence for the date of the Exodus would place it about this time. The geographical inquiries of Lepsius have been carried on by Brugsch, who, in a paper read before the Oriental Congress, has identified the prin. cipal geographical names of the narrative of the oppression and of the Exodus (Brugsch, L'Exode). In particular, nemeses is shown to have been another name of Tanis. The occurrence of this name in Genesis and Exodus is most important as bearing on the date of the Exodus, for it is almost certain that it was given by Ramses II., who rebuilt the great temple of the town. Another cardinal piece of evidence is the mention of the 'Aperiu, or 'Apuriu, as engaged in public works under Ramses II. and later kings, but not after Dynasty XX. In this name that of the Hebrews has been recognized. If the identification were certain we should have much reason for dating the oppression under Ramses II., which would accord with the Exodus under Menptah.
The difficulties of this theory are not slight. On the chronological side Manetho's date is only dependent on a tradition, and we cannot fix the chronology of the dynasty, B.C. 1300 for Menptah being about the middle point in a doubtful two centuries. The evidence of the Hebrew genealogies therefore is not conclusive for a date identical with that of Menptah, which we cannot yet say is irreconcilable with the chronology founded on the interval of 480 years from the Exodus to the building of Solomon's Temple. If, however, the genealogies are to be taken as a guide for the chronology up to the Exodus, Egyptologists prefer for the period of the sojourn the longer intervals stated in the Hebrew text to the very short ones that would result from the genealogical method. Still greater difficulties arise when we give a critical examination to Manetho's story. It reads like a perverted narrative of the calamities which closed Dynasty XIX., for we cannot suppose two conquests by Asiatics and two expulsions, one by Menptah and Setee II., the other by Setnekht, who subdued the Syrian, nor resort to the violent hypothesis that the Papyrus of Ramses III. attributes to Set-nekht that which Setee II. achieved. The name of Amenophis is suspicious, the two names of his son Sethos, "who is Ramesses," still more so ; the recall of the Shepherds from Jerusalem, and the easy conquest of Egypt without a battle, all read like a legend founded on a fusion of the two periods of Eastern occupation. There is, moreover, another suspicious circumstance in the occurrence of the name of Bocchoris in two versions of the story. This would either point to Bocchoris of Dynasty XXIV., in whose time it is quite possible that there was a large number of Israelite fugitives in Egypt, or to some other king of the same or a similar name ; we do not., however, know of any earlier Bocchoris. It may be reasonably asked whether this story has anything to do with the Exodus. Those who hold that it has yet, in common with all Egyptologists, argue, when they examine the Biblical data, on the ground of the minute accuracy of many of these data. If, then, the two narratives, that of Manetho and that of the Papyrus of Ramses III., relate to the Exodus, it may reasonably be inferred that the Manethonian is a. faulty and distorted one. It is, however, quite possible that Manetho may have known when the Exodus happened, and yet may have confused it with an event of the same period. The argument from the Biblical data that Ramses II. ruled during the oppression of the Israelites is very strong, though it may be conjectured that a redactor has substituted the later name Rameses for the earlier Zoan.
The name of the 'Aperin, if certainly that of the Hebrews, would be decisive, bat it is not a proper Egyptian equivalent, and so exact are the transcriptions of Semitic geographical names into Egyptian, that upon them mainly depends the theory of the sounds of the Egyptian alphabet developed by M. de Rouge and adopted by Dr Brngsch. Here, again, the evidence is inconclusive.
The arguments which would place the Exodus in any other period of Egyptian history are but slight. There is indeed the remarkable occurrence of a name similar to that of Jacob, or identical with it, in a record.,pi the conquests of Thothmes Ill.' This may only be a reminiscence of Jacob, as M. de Rouge suggests, but it would be more natural to take it to indicate that the Exodus was anterior to the time of Thothmes, and there are other names in the list which may possibly point to the same conclusion.' Yet the preponderance of evidence is at present greatly in favour of the occurrence of the Exodus towards the close of Dynasty XIX. It is not, however, necessary to accept the date of Prof. Lepsius, in our present state of uncertainty as to the chronology of Dynasty XIX. It is also not a necessary consequence of accepting this historical synchronism, that we should take Manetho's narrative of the Exodus as more than his identification with it of an event of the same period. These may seem but unsatisfactory results of the great erudition which has been bestowed on this question. We refrain from speaking more positively when a discovery may at any moment render speculation needless.
If the Exodus took place towards the close of Dynasty XIX., when did the period of oppression and the government of Joseph fall ? The reckoning by generations would place Joseph in the later part of Dynasty XVIII., and the oppression under Ramses II. downwards. It is, however, very generally acknowledged that this method of computation is not consistent with the growth of the Israelites from a family to a nation during the sojourn in Egypt. Scholars are therefore disposed to choose a reckoning by years. Here the Biblical data give either 430 years exactly for the sojourn and 400 for the oppression, or else 215 years for the sojourn. The longer periods are those generally preferred. If we reckon by them, the government of Joseph would have fallen under the last Shepherd king, and the oppression would have probably begun under Aabines, to be greatly increased in intensity under Ramses II.
Set-nekht, a chief probably of the line of Ramses II., overthrew the Syrian intruder and again restored the Egyptian monarchy. His short reign, which begins Dynasty XX.,2 was probably entirely occupied in reorganizing the administration of Egypt. Ramses III., whom his father had already made his colleague (Maspero, llist. Anc., 262), succeeded to a united Egypt but a distracted Empire. Evidently in the time of anarchy every province and tributary state had fallen away. The new king was equal to the effort of repelling invasion at home and reconquering lost territory abroad. In his fifth year he defeated the Libyan tribes who had invaded the west of Lower Egypt.
In his eighth, he met another attack from the opposite quarter. The Taanau (Danai 1) and the Takkaru (Teucrians), who now first appear, forming with the Tuirsha (Tyrseni), Washasha (Oscans?), Shakalasha (Sikels), Leka (Lycians), and Pelesta (Philistines), a great confederation, which attacked the cast of Egypt by sea and land. Their army conquered and carried with it the Kheta and neighbouring tribes. Their fleet, manned by the Takkaru and Shardana, reached Egypt at the same time. The Egyptian army and fleet encountered and defeated them. This campaign, and particularly the sea-fight, form the subjects of interesting reliefs in the great sepulchral temple built by Ramses III. in western Thebes. In his eleventh year a second invasion of the west of Egypt, by the Libyans, aided by the Tuirsha and the Leka, was equally unsuccessful. The eastern provinces and tributary states were recovered, and an expedition was sent to the Somalee country on the eastern coast of Africa or Arabia Felix. This last great conqueror finally preserved Egypt from the maritime nations. The course of their migrations seems to have been changed. All that remained of their invasions were the Philistine settlement in Palestine and one of the Mashuasha, a Libyan tribe, in the Delta, from whose race the Egyptians drew mercenaries (Maspero, Mist. Anc., 266). The importance of these forces is evident in the Biblical notices of Egypt of the time of the Hebrew kings.
The historical value of the Egyptian notices of the primitive populations of the Mediterranean is being more and more perceived. It is at first perplexing that we find the nations afterwards settled in well-known seats either far to the east or in constant movement. Yet the key thus afforded to the earliest Greek colonization is most valuable, and it is significant of the historical character of the documents that new names appear, as we should expect, in such a manner hs to explain the confusion of the Greek terms, which speak of Achreans and Danai, Dardans and Teucri, at the same time indifferently, whereas the Egyptian documents show that they are not interchangeable. Ramses III., besides constructing the magnificent temple at Medeenet Haboo, enriched the temples of Egypt with splendid gifts, during a prosperous reign of thirty-two years. The later kings of the dynasty do not appear to have achieved anything remarkable. They maintained the Empire, but their authority at home waned, while that of the high-priests of Amen grew until, towards the close of the dynasty, Her-liar, one of these high-priests, gained the royal power. Probably the close of the dynasty was occupied by a struggle between the last Ramesside kings and the high-priests, as well as by the additional distraction caused by the rise of another line, Dynasty XXI., of Tanite kings. Probably the Tanites ultimately gained the sole authority. The high-priests of Amen-ra, about this time, certainly not later than the rise of Dynasty XXII., retreated to Ethiopia, where they founded a kingdom, of which the capital was Napata. The Pharaoh whose daughter Solomon married was, if Manetho's numbers are correct, Psusennes II., HarPsiankha, last king of Dynasty XXI. He seems to have endeavoured to restore the military power of Egypt, for he made an expedition into Canaan and captured the town of Gezer, which he gave to his daughter, Solomon's queen.
During the later period of the Empire, partly through marriages of the Pharaohs, partly in consequence of the large employment of mercenaries, chiefly Libyans, great settlements of foreigners, Asiatic as well as African, were established in Egypt. So far from the Shemites being then disliked, a multitude of Semitic words were introduced into Egyptian, and it even became the fashion to give a Semitic form to native words (Maspero, Mist. Anc., 337, 338). A Shemite family, settled at Bubastis, or in the Bubastite name, succeeded by the command of mercenaries and by alliances with the Tanite family in establishing a new royal line, Dynasty XXII., which is remarkable for its foreign names. The royal names Sheshonk, Osorkon, Takelot are all either Assyrian or Babylonian. Still more striking is the name Nemrut, or Nimrod, borne by non-kingly members of the family. Probably it came from the further East.
Sheshonk I., the Shishak of the Bible, may have gained the royal power peaceably. His son Osorkon married the daughter of the last king of the Tanite Dynasty, to whom Sheshonk succeeded. He seems early to have entertained the design of restoring the Egyptian rule in the East, for he received Jeroboam when he fled front Solomon. The revolt of the Ten Tribes enabled him to carry out this project, and late in his reign he marched against Ilehoboam, and returned with the treasures of the Temple and the palace. A remarkable sculpture at the temple of El-Karnak gives a list of 130 names of towns and peoples conquered by Shishak in this expedition. Long as is the list, it is not like the rolls of the conquerors of the Empire. The items are far less important, and the Ilagarenes recur several times, as if to record the subjugation of a series of small Bedawee tribes. Cities of Judah and Israel appear in the list, but the towns in the kingdom of Jeroboam seem to be Levite and Canaanite, and it is probable that the Israelite king was not averse to their overthrow. With this occurrence we gain the first good chronological footing in Egyptian history. The Hebrew chronology is indeed not as yet fixed. The Assyrian monuments seem to indicate a reduction of at least twenty-three years in the ordinary dates. The invasion of Shishak is ordinarily dated B.C. 971, but may thus have to be lowered to about n.c. 948; and as it probably took place in about the twentieth year of the Egyptian king's reign, his accession may be dated approximately B.C. 967.
The government of Egypt under the kings of Dynasty XXII. underwent an important change. They made the high-priesthood of Amen-ra an office of a prince of the family, usually the eldest son, and gave high governments to other princes. Thus the power of the Pharaoh ultimately became merely nominal, and Egypt resolved itself into an aggregate of principalities. A further cause of decay was the import-mice of the Libyan mercenaries which each of the princes commanded. Under a new dynasty, XXIII., said to be of Tanites, but probably kindred to the Bubastites, Egypt was, for a time at least, reunited under a single rule, but towards its close the process of disintegration had already again set in, and the country was divided among nearly twenty princes, at least four of whom took the royal insignia (Maspero, Hist. .Anc., 378 seqq.).
Among these small princes but one was capable of attempting to reunite Egypt under his rule. This was Tafnekht, Tnepliachthos, prince of Says, who reduced great part of the country, and would probably have achieved complete success, had not the yet unconquered princes called in the priest-king of Napata, Piankhi Meriamen. While Egypt had declined, Ethiopia had constantly risen, and at this time part of the Thebais owed it allegiance. Piankhi, the descendant of the priest-kings of Thebes, was not unwilling to recover his ancient dominions. In one brilliant campaign he defeated Tafnekht and his allies, captured their strongholds, and obtained the sovereignty of Egypt, leaving the small princes to rule as his vassals. The ancient Empire was thus in part restored, but as it was ruled from Ethiopia, and the little princes constantly strove for independence, it had no real durability. Piankhi was succeeded by Kashta, who was probably an Ethiopian, owing his throne to his intermarriage with a princess of the Theban line.
Bokenrauf, or Bocchoris, son and successor of Tafnekht, no doubt seizing this occasion, was able to carry out the pro ject of his father and make himself king of Egypt. After a short reign marked by energy and prudence be perished in a fresh Ethiopian invasion. . Shabak, or Sabakon, conquered Egypt, and having taken Bokenranf in his capital, Sais, put him to a cruel death. It was no longer an Egyptian prince who ruled at Napata; all the circumstances we know of Shabak mid his dynasty indicate an Ethiopian line, governing Egypt as a conquered country, not as their ancient territory. Still Shabak's connection with the priestly line was not forgotten. His sister,Queen A men iritis, governed Thebes, and the power of the local rulers was limited, not destroyed. Hoshea, king of Israel, sent presents to Shabak,1 who was subsequently drawn into a confederacy of Syrian and other princes against Sargon king of Assyria, but, as in all these wars, the Ethiopian king was a tardy ally. His capital lay too far south, and in crossing the eastern border of Egypt he left the ill-affected princes of the Delta in the line of his communications. He therefore came into the field too late, and it was but little east of Egypt that he met the Assyrians and experienced a disastrous defeat at Ilapbia. He lost great part of Egypt, in which the small princes again established themselves, now as vassals of Assyria. Shabak only retaining Ethiopia and part of Upper Egypt.
Shabatok, or Sebichus, was the son and successor of Shabak. Ile made himself supreme king in Egypt, but appears to have lost Ethiopia to Tahraka. Towards the close of his reign the Egyptian dynasts joined in an alliance against Sennacherib, who had recently succeeded Sargon. The confederates were defeated, or made their submission one by one. The Egyptian princes lost a battle in southern Palestine, in the territory of their ally Hezekiah, who was the last in the East to submit. But the Egyptians again advanced, encouraged by Tabraka, king of Ethiopia, who marched to their support. No battle was fought. The Assyrians moved against the Egyptians, but in one night the invading army perish ed,and Sennacherib fled to Nineveh. The tradition of the Egyptians agrees with Biblical history in relating the destruction of the Assyrians as miraculous ; and it should be noted that for the rest of his reign Sennacherib never ventured again to invade Palestine. During this interval of respite Talirak a ente red 11:,ypt, slew Shabatok, and made himself master of the whole country (Re. 692).
After twenty years of what seems to have been a peaceful reign, the Assyrian war began afresh, Esarhaddon, son and successor of Sennacherib, resolving on the subjugation of Egypt. Tahraka was vanquished and fled to Napata, and Memphis and Thebes were taken. The country was divided between twenty princes, with Neku I. of Sais as their chief. The fortresses were garrisoned with Assyrian troops (n.c.672). In a few- years, however,Tabraka returned, defeated the Assyrians, and captured Memphis. In commemoration of the earlier subjugation or of this one, the Ethiopian king puts the name of Egypt among those of conquered nations not only at Narita lint also at Thebes (Maspero, IIist. _Inc., 427; Brugscli, th'st., 1 ed., 244, 245). Soon after Esarhaddon abdicated in favour of his son Assluir-bani-pal, who speedily invaded and reconquered Egypt, driving out Tahraka and restoring the tributary princes. As soon, however, as he had left, a conspiracy broke out, and these chiefs sent emissaries to Tahraka. They were overcome by the Assyrians, and Neku and two others sent in chains to Nineveh, before Tahraka could come to their aid. But lie again reconquered Thebes and Memphis. Asshur-bani-pal now made a politic use of the Egyptian party, treated Neku with honour, and sent him back to Egypt as ruler of Sais, giving a second principality to his son Psametik. Neku returned to find that Tahraka had left Egypt (n.c. 666). Urdamen, Tahraka's son-in-law and successor, held Upper Egypt, and at once attacked the Assyrians, captured Memphis from them, and took Neku, whom he put to death, while Psametik fled into Syria. Asshur-bani-pal now invaded Egypt, defeated Urdamen, and sacked Thebes, carrying the whole population captive. The twenty principalities were again set up, but Psametik was not the chief.
After a time the Egyptian princes became independent of Assyria, but they had once more to submit to an Ethiopian invader, Nouat-Meiamen, who recouquered the country without much difficulty, but does not seem to have long held it. The Saite prince Psametik, whose ambition excited the jealousy of the other dynasts, at last achieved the object for which his predecessors had pertinaciously fought. By the aid of Carian and Ionian mercenaries he put down his rivals, and by a marriage with the niece of Shabak rendered his line legitimate. This alliance with a princess only a generation younger than the first Ethiopian king brings into striking relief the vicissitudes which Egypt underwent during the Assyrian wars. Calamities were crowded into those years which usually occupy centuries. Yet under the new king, who was the real founder of Dynasty XXVI., Egypt rapidly recovered, and during the rule of his successors it was for the first time since the Empire strong and united, enjoying a true national existence. Public works of all kinds were carried on with energy. Art, which had fallen under the Bubastites and their followers, now suddenly revived, and with its recovery the ideas of the primitive dynasties came into fashion. The style of the age may be best compared with that of Dynasties IV. and V. It is, however, wanting in vigour, using elongated forms and abundant details. Still it has an elegance and a mastery of material which show that Egypt had not lost the true feeling of its art, in spite of the disastrous wars which had threatened the overthrow of all the institutions of the country.
Psametik I., or Psammetichus, employed his long reign in strengthening Egypt and in restoring the temples and making additional monuments. He recovered from Ethiopia a part of Lower Nubia, and made a successful expedition into Philistia. His designs of conquest were, however, frustrated by a wholesale desertion of Egyptian troops, caused by jealousy of the Ionian and Carian mercenaries to whom Psametik owed his throne. The mutineers, whose number H .;rodotus puts at 240,000 men, were too strong to be resisted, and deaf to the king's intreaties marched to Ethiopia and received lands from the king of that country. MI that the Egyptian sovereign could do was to form a new army and build a fleet. He thus missed the opportunity afforded by the decline of Nineveh of winning back the influence Egypt had long lost in the East. Au interesting memorial of his reign is the Greek inscription on one of the colossi of Aboosimbel, in Nubia, recording the visit of mercenary and Egyptian troops.
Neku II., B.C. GlI, son and successor of Psametik, inherited hi; father's energy but not his prudence. He attempted to complete an enterprise of the Empire and connect the Red Sea with the Nile, and so with the Mediterranean, by a canal. Under his orders Phoenician seamen circumnavigated Africa. Less fortunate was his attempt to recover the eastern rule of Egypt. He. marched against Megiddo, still the key to the route to the Euphrates. Here he was met by the forces of Josiah, king of Judah, with whom lie unwillingly fought. Josiah was slain, and the king of Egypt advanced to Carchemish on the Euphrates. Thus the Egyptian Empire was for a moment restored. There was no great eastern rival to contest its supremacy. Assyria had fallen, Babylon was not yet firmly established. A fter about three years Nahopolassar, the king of Babylon, sent his son Nebuchadnezzar against the Egyptians. At Carchemish the armies met. Neku was defeated, and the Egyptian rule in the East finally destroyed. Soon after the king of Egypt died, leaving his throne to his son Psametik II., B.C. 595, whose short reign was only marked by an expedition against the king of Ethiopia. The next king, Psametik's son, Uahabra, or Apries, the Pharaoh Hophra of Scripture, B.C. 590, inherited the energy and ambition of the Saite house. His accession was the signal for a general confederation of Palestine and Phoenicia against the king of Babylon. The war was speedily ended by the capture of Jerusalem, which Uahabra in vain endeavoured to prevent. He was, however, successful at sea. His Greek ships beat the Phoenician fleet of Nebuchadnezzar, and for a time he held the Phoenician coast, and aided Tyre in a resistance of thirteen years against the Babylonian besiegers. A great disaster lost Ualiabra his throne. He engaged in a war with the Greeks of Cyrene. His Egyptian troops were defeated. The native soldiers believed that he had planned their destruction that he might put mercenaries in their place. They revolted and chose Aahmes, or Amasis, king. Amasis defeated the mercenary troops of Uahabra and dethroned him, B.C, 571. It is to this time that the conquest of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar is assigned by Jusephus. The silence of Herodotus and the other Greek historians, and the prosperity of Egypt under Amasis, have induced modern scholars to suppose that Josephus based his statement on the prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel. If, however, we read between the lines of the story of Herodotus, we need some other cause than the disaffection of the Egyptian troops to account for the sudden success of Amasis, and especially for his easy defeat of the mercenaries with a discouraged native force. Again, the conquests of Egypt by the Assyrians, though predicted by Isaiah and noticed as past by Nahum, are unrecorded by Herodotus and the Greeks. The prosperity of the country in the reign of Amasis might as easily follow a Babylonian conquest as that under Psametik I. followed the terrible Assyrian wars. The scantiness of the native records of Nebuchadnezzar's reign leaves us without Babylonian evidence.
Amasis took to wife a grand-daughter of Psametik I. and his heiress-queen Shapentap, thus legitimatizing his pretensions. He greatly embellished the temples of Egypt. It may be that, as in the time of Psametik I., they needed restoration. His foreign policy was marked by energy and caution. lie transferred the Ionian and Carian mercenaries to Memphis itself as a force of guards. He granted the Greeks the free use of Naucratis as a Hellenic settlement and trading port. He conquered Cyprus, and kept up the influence of Egypt in Phoenicia. He had friendly relations with the Greek states, and instead of conducting an expedition against the Babylonians during their Empire or against the rapidly rising power of the Persians, he joined in an alliance of which Crfesus, king of Lydia, was the head, and agreed to furnish him with an Egyptian contingent in his war with Cyrus. After the fall of Crmsus other wars kept Cyrus from any designs on Egypt, and it was not until the accession of his son Cambyses that the Persians could attempt its reduction. Meanwhile Amasis died, leaving the crown to his some Psametik III., the Psammenitus of Herodotus, who, after a single well-fought battle near Pelusium, and the capture of Pelusium and Memphis, lost his kingdom, B.C. 525.
Cambyses, as we learn from the narrative of the Egyptian priest Uta-har-sun of Sais, at first adopted the style of a Pharaoh, and was initiated into the mysteries of Neith at Sais It was not until the failure of an expedition against the Oasis of Ammon, and of another directed by himself against the Ethiopian kingdom of Napata, that Cambyses, probably aware of the satisfactiru the Egyptians must have felt at these reverses, changed his policy, and vented his rage upon the monuments and objects of worship in Egypt. The Saito priest, in general terms, describes this as a time of calamity such as had never before befallen his country. Cambyses left Egypt, which was so completely crushed that the subsequent usurpation of the Magian was marked by no revolt. One of the first cares of Darius I. was to charge Utabar-sun with the restoration of the disordered country. In a visit to Egypt at the moment when a revolt had broken out, he pacified the people by supporting their religion, in the most marked contrast to Cambyses. For the rest of his reign he endeavoured to promote the commercial welf