TABLE 5.5
Felony convictions and sentences in state courts relative to number of arrests, 2002
[For 100 arrests]
| Offense | Felony conviction | Incarcerations | Prison sentences |
| Murder* | 70 | 67 | 64 |
| Robbery | 47 | 41 | 34 |
| Aggravated assault | 23 | 17 | 10 |
| Burglary | 50 | 36 | 23 |
| Motor vehicle theft | 18 | 14 | 7 |
| Drug trafficking | 80 | 54 | 34 |
| *Includes nonnegligent manslaughter. | |||
TABLE 5.6
Sentence length and time served, by offenses, 2002
[In months]
| Most serious conviction offense | Mean state prison sentence | Estimated time to be served* |
| Murder | 225 | 142 |
| Sexual assault | 100 | 64 |
| Robbery | 91 | 53 |
| Aggravated assault | 54 | 36 |
| Burglary | 50 | 24 |
| Larceny | 34 | 18 |
| Drug offenses | ||
| Possession | 35 | 14 |
| Trafficking | 55 | 24 |
| *Derived by multiplying the percentage of sentence to be served by the mean sentence imposed. | ||
2005 http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/dcf/contents.htm). Of these, nearly two-thirds were convicted for trafficking—85% were males and nearly half were in their twenties. The number of those convicted of possession was less than 1% of the total number of users of drugs. For every one hundred arrests for drug trafficking, eighty of those arrestees were convicted of a felony in state courts, and thirty-four were sentenced to state prison. (See Table 5.5.) Table 5.6 shows the average length of those sentences.
Convictions and Race
Minorities represent a significant and growing portion of American prisoners, with the growth rate of incarcerations due to drug offenses from 1995-2001 committed by African-Americans at 23%, opposed to that of whites at 18%. (See Table 5.7.) According to BJS data, of the 266,465 adults arrested for drug trafficking in 2002, 212,810 were convicted. According to the BJS, of those convicted, 85% were male, 51% were white, and 47% were African-American. In absolute numbers, more whites are arrested and convicted for drug violations than African-Americans, but African-Americans are much more likely to be arrested and convicted in proportion to their representation in the population.
Once convicted for drug offenses, more African-Americans, on average, are incarcerated than whites, and more whites on average receive milder jail sentences (less than a year) than blacks or get probation or split sentences, as shown in Table 5.8. Of all whites convicted of drug offenses in 2000, 63% were incarcerated, versus 73% of all African-Americans convicted of drug offenses. Among convicted whites, 30% went to prison (sentences of a year or longer), and among African-Americans this figure was 48%. About one-third (32%) of whites got the milder jail sentence, versus 25% of African-Americans. More whites received nonincarceration sentences (37%) than African-Americans (28%). Similarly, more whites received probation (32%) than African-Americans (24%). The "other" category shown in the table includes split sentences and other disposition of the cases.
Truth-in-Sentencing
Sentence lengths for all offenses moved upward in U.S. district courts for almost half a century, from 1945 to 1991. Average sentence lengths for drug offenses also showed an upward trend during this time, except for a few slight dips over the years. (See Table 5.9.) A slight downward trend in sentence lengths for drug offenses took place during the 1990s through 2001, followed by an upturn in 2002 and 2003.
Sentence lengths, however, do not fully convey the picture. The time actually served for an offense is a better indicator of the actual "price" society extracts for an offense. Thus, for instance, a person sentenced to five years who serves 60% of his sentence and is then paroled serves as long as a person sentenced to four years who serves 75% of her sentence. In both cases, time served will be three years. Public perceptions in the late 1970s that felons were sentenced only to walk free after doing a brief stint in prison culminated in the "truth-in-sentencing" movement, an attempt at the state and federal levels to reform sentencing practices. The State of Washington passed the first truth-in-sentencing statute in 1984. Congress established the U.S. Sentencing Commission in the same year with the purpose of setting mandatory sentence lengths. The consequence of these actions (42 states and the District of Columbia have passed truth-in-sentencing laws since 1984) was an increase in
TABLE 5.7
Total growth of state prison population, by race and offense, 1995-2001
| White | Black | Hispanic | ||||
| Increase, 1995-2001 | Percent of total | Increase, 1995-2001 | Percent of total | Increase, 1995-2001 | Percent of total | |
| Total | 90,700 | 100% | 83,200 | 100% | 35,300 | 100% |
| Violent | 53,000 | 59 | 47,400 | 57 | 29,900 | 82 |
| Property | 3,000 | 3 | 0 | — | − 100 | — |
| Drug | 16,200 | 18 | 19,100 | 23 | − 1,400 | — |
| Public-order | 18,000 | 20 | 16,800 | 20 | 6,800 | 18 |
TABLE 5.8
Felony sentencing, by type, as percent of total, imposed by state courts, 1998 and 2000
| Incarceration | Nonincarceration | |||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Total | Total | Prison | Jail | total | Probation | Other | ||||||||||||||||||||
| 1998 | 2000 | 1998 | 2000 | 1998 | 2000 | 1998 | 2000 | 1998 | 2000 | 1998 | 2000 | |||||||||||||||
| Whites | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Drug offenses | 100 | 65 | 63 | 33 | 30 | 32 | 32 | 35 | 37 | 32 | 32 | 3 | 6 | |||||||||||||
| Possession | 100 | 67 | 62 | 31 | 27 | 36 | 35 | 33 | 38 | 30 | 31 | 3 | 7 | |||||||||||||
| Trafficking | 100 | 64 | 63 | 35 | 33 | 29 | 31 | 36 | 37 | 33 | 32 | 3 | 4 | |||||||||||||
| Blacks | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Drug offenses | 100 | 73 | 73 | 51 | 48 | 23 | 25 | 27 | 28 | 24 | 24 | 2 | 3 | |||||||||||||
| Possession | 100 | 72 | 72 | 47 | 48 | 25 | 24 | 28 | 28 | 25 | 25 | 2 | 4 | |||||||||||||
| Trafficking | 100 | 74 | 73 | 52 | 48 | 21 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 24 | 24 | 2 | 3 | |||||||||||||
| Note: Detail may not sum to total because of rounding. Racial categories include Hispanics. Shaded areas are those where one racial group is less represented than the other. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||
time served even as, in some areas, the average length of the formal sentences grew shorter.
The effects of truth-in-sentencing at the state level are illustrated using data for 1990 and 1999 for all categories of offenses. (See Table 5.10.) The average sentence length for all offenses went down from sixty-nine months in 1990 to sixty-five months in 1999. Total time served went up from twenty-eight months to thirty-four months, a consequence of the fact that the percent of sentence served increased from 38% in 1990 to 48.7% in 1999.
In the drug offense category, state prison sentence length for possession dropped from sixty-one to fifty-six months from 1990 to 1999, but time served increased from eighteen to twenty-five months. Sentence length for drug trafficking increased from sixty to sixty-four months; actual time served went up from twenty-two to twenty-nine months. As these data show, there remained in this period a fairly wide gap between the average sentence imposed and the actual time served, but time served was up. Under federal sentencing guidelines, persons sentenced are required to serve 85% of the imposed sentence. At the state level in 1999, the percent of time served was well below 85%: 42.4% for possession, and 42% for trafficking. Those selling drugs, in effect, served slightly less of their imposed sentences than those caught carrying drugs, though percentage of time served was up from 1990, when those convicted of possession served only 29% and those convicted of trafficking served only 34.8%.
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