Sentencing and Corrections - What Is The Solution?
crime justice victim fiscal
Is prison the answer to crime? Is prison supposed to punish, or is it supposed to rehabilitate? It is certainly the primary method the government uses to show that it takes crime seriously and will not let it go unpunished. It keeps dangerously violent criminals off the street, which has very likely contributed somewhat to the drop in crime during the 1990s.
Prisoners are often considered society's failures, people—mostly men—who have failed in their relationships with their families, schools, and jobs. They suffer disproportionately from physical, drug, and alcohol abuse. They may have low self-esteem and exhibit hostility towards others, especially those in authority. Prisoners bring their own society into prison, which usually revolves around drugs, smuggling, extortion, predatory sexual behavior, and violence.
Many penologists (persons who study prison management and the reformation of criminals) believe that locking up greater numbers of offenders reduces the rate of crime. Mandatory sentencing and habitual-offender laws give longer sentences to those who have broken the law. If criminals are in prison, they are not on the streets committing crimes. Some experts believe longer sentences have acted as a deterrent and played a major role in the recent decline in criminal activity.
TABLE 6.17
Characteristics of adults on probation, 1995, 2000, and 2002
Characteristic of adults on probation | 1995 | 2000 | 2002 |
Total | 100% | 100% | 100% |
Gender | |||
Male | 79% | 78% | 77% |
Female | 21 | 22 | 23 |
Race | |||
White | 53% | 54% | 55% |
Black | 31 | 31 | 31 |
Hispanic | 14 | 13 | 12 |
American Indian/Alaska Native | 1 | 1 | 1 |
Asian/Pacific Islander1 | -- | 1 | 1 |
Status of probation | |||
Direct imposition | 48% | 56% | 60% |
Split sentence | 15 | 11 | 9 |
Sentence suspended | 26 | 25 | 22 |
Imposition suspended | 6 | 7 | 9 |
Other | 4 | 1 | 1 |
Status of supervision | |||
Active | 79% | 76% | 75% |
Inactive | 8 | 9 | 10 |
Absconded | 9 | 9 | 11 |
Supervised out of state | 2 | 3 | 2 |
Other | 2 | 3 | 2 |
Type of offense | |||
Felony | 54% | 52% | 50% |
Misdemeanor | 44 | 46 | 49 |
Other infractions | 2 | 2 | 1 |
Most serious offense | |||
Sexual assault | ** | ** | 2% |
Domestic violence | ** | ** | 7 |
Other assault | ** | ** | 10 |
Burglary | ** | ** | 8 |
Larceny/theft | ** | ** | 13 |
Fraud | ** | ** | 5 |
Drug law violations | ** | 24 | 24 |
Driving while intoxicated | 16 | 18 | 17 |
Minor traffic offenses | ** | 6 | 6 |
Other | 84 | 52 | 8 |
Adults entering probation | |||
Without incarceration | 72% | 79% | 83% |
With incarceration | 13 | 16 | 14 |
Other types | 15 | 5 | 2 |
Adults leaving probation | |||
Successful completions | 62% | 60% | 62% |
Returned to incarceration | 21 | 15 | 14 |
With new sentence | 5 | 3 | 3 |
With the same sentence | 13 | 8 | 6 |
Unknown | 3 | 4 | 4 |
Absconder2 | ** | 3 | 3 |
Other unsuccessful2 | ** | 11 | 13 |
Death | 1 | 1 | -- |
Other | 16 | 11 | 9 |
Note: For every characteristic there were persons of unknown status or type. Detail may not sum to total because of rounding. | |||
**Not available. | |||
--Less than 0.5%. | |||
1Includes Native Hawaiians. | |||
2In 1995 absconder and other unsucessful were reported among "other". | |||
SOURCE: Lauren E. Glaze, "Table 4: Characteristics of Adults on Probation, 1995, 2000, and 2002," in "Probation and Parole in the United States, 2002," Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin, August 2003 |
Others disagree. In "Reforming Sentencing and Corrections for Just Punishment and Public Safety," (Sentencing and Corrections, National Institute of Justice,
TABLE 6.18
Characteristics of adults on parole, 1995, 2000, and 2002
Characteristic | 1995 | 2000 | 2002 |
Total | 100% | 100% | 100% |
Gender | |||
Male | 90% | 88% | 86% |
Female | 10 | 12 | 14 |
Race | |||
White | 34% | 38% | 39% |
Black | 45 | 40 | 42 |
Hispanic | 21 | 21 | 18 |
American Indian/Alaska Native | 1 | 1 | 1 |
Asian/Pacific Islander1 | -- | -- | -- |
Status of supervision | |||
Active | 78% | 83% | 82% |
Inactive | 11 | 4 | 4 |
Absconded | 6 | 7 | 8 |
Supervised out of state | 4 | 5 | 5 |
Other | -- | 1 | 2 |
Sentence length | |||
Less than 1 year | 6% | 3% | 4% |
1 year or more | 94 | 97 | 96 |
Type of offense | |||
Violent | ** | ** | 24% |
Property | ** | ** | 26 |
Drug | ** | ** | 40 |
Other | ** | ** | 10 |
Adults entering parole | |||
Discretionary parole | 50% | 37% | 39% |
Mandatory parole | 45 | 54 | 52 |
Reinstatement | 4 | 6 | 7 |
Other | 2 | 2 | 2 |
Adults leaving parole | |||
Successful completion | 45% | 43% | 45% |
Returned to incarceration | 41 | 42 | 41 |
With new sentence | 12 | 11 | 11 |
Other | 29 | 31 | 30 |
Absconder2 | ** | 9 | 9 |
Other unsuccessful2 | ** | 2 | 2 |
Transferred | 2 | 1 | 1 |
Death | 1 | 1 | 1 |
Other | 10 | 2 | 1 |
Note: For every characteristic there were persons of unknown status or type. Detail may not sum to total because of rounding. | |||
--Less than 0.5%. | |||
**Not available. | |||
1Includes Native Hawaiians. | |||
2In 1995 absconder and "other unsuccessful" statuses were reported among "other." | |||
SOURCE: Lauren E. Glaze, "Table 7: Characteristics of Adults on Parole, 1995, 2000, and 2002," in "Probation and Parole in the United States, 2002," Bureau of Justice Statistics Bulletin, August 2003 |
No. 4, September 1999), authors Michael E. Smith and Walter J. Dickey reported on hearings by the Wisconsin Governor's Task Force on Sentencing and Corrections conducted in 1996, which focused on a Milwaukee neighborhood where public safety "was in serious disrepair." According to the police testimony at the hearings, at a certain high crime corner some "94 drug arrests were made within a 3-month period.… Despite the two-year prison terms routinely handed down by the sentencing judges (for drug offenses), the drug market continued to thrive at the intersection, posing
TABLE 6.19
Executive clemency applications for federal offenses received, disposed of, and pending in Office of U.S. Pardon Attorney, fiscal years 1953–2002
Granted | |||||
Fiscal year | Pending from previous fiscal year | Received | Pardons | Commutations | Denied |
1953 | 5431 | 599 | 97 | 8 | 356 |
1954 | 681 | 461 | 55 | 7 | 348 |
1955 | 732 | 662 | 59 | 4 | 684 |
1956 | 647 | 585 | 192 | 9 | 568 |
1957 | 463 | 585 | 232 | 4 | 443 |
1958 | 369 | 406 | 98 | 6 | 302 |
1959 | 369 | 434 | 117 | 2 | 286 |
1960 | 398 | 437 | 149 | 5 | 244 |
1961 | 4371 | 481 | 226 | 18 | 266 |
1962 | 408 | 595 | 166 | 16 | 315 |
1963 | 506 | 592 | 133 | 45 | 233 |
1964 | 6871 | 921 | 315 | 73 | 437 |
1965 | 783 | 1,008 | 195 | 80 | 569 |
1966 | 947 | 865 | 364 | 81 | 726 |
1967 | 641 | 863 | 222 | 23 | 520 |
1968 | 739 | 749 | 13 | 3 | 415 |
1969 | 1,0571 | 724 | 0 | 0 | 505 |
1970 | 1,276 | 459 | 82 | 14 | 698 |
1971 | 941 | 454 | 157 | 16 | 648 |
1972 | 574 | 516 | 235 | 20 | 410 |
1973 | 425 | 485 | 202 | 5 | 341 |
1974 | 362 | 426 | 187 | 8 | 337 |
1975 | 256 | 610 | 147 | 9 | 325 |
1976 | 385 | 742 | 106 | 11 | 442 |
1977 | 5681 | 738 | 129 | 8 | 301 |
1978 | 868 | 641 | 162 | 3 | 836 |
1979 | 508 | 710 | 143 | 10 | 448 |
1980 | 617 | 523 | 155 | 11 | 498 |
1981 | 4741 | 547 | 76 | 7 | 259 |
1982 | 679 | 462 | 83 | 3 | 547 |
1983 | 508 | 447 | 91 | 2 | 306 |
1984 | 556 | 447 | 37 | 5 | 326 |
1985 | 635 | 407 | 32 | 3 | 279 |
1986 | 728 | 362 | 55 | 0 | 290 |
1987 | 745 | 410 | 23 | 0 | 311 |
1988 | 824 | 384 | 38 | 0 | 497 |
1989 | 6731 | 373 | 41 | 1 | 392 |
risks to the safety of all who lived nearby or had to pass through on their way to work or school." According to the testimony, the incarceration of some 100 drug-offense felons "did not increase the public safety at the street corner."
As an alternative to incarceration, programs advocating restorative and community justice are based on principles that address the needs of victims, communities and offenders. As reported by Leena Kurki in "Incorporating Restorative and Community Justice Into American Sentencing and Corrections" (Sentencing and Corrections, National Institute of Justice, No. 3, September 1999), the basic principles of restorative justice are that crime involves disruptions in a three-dimensional relationship of victim, offender, and community; that because crime harms the victim and the community, the primary goals should be to repair that harm by healing the victim and community; that the victim, community, and offender should all participate in determining the response to crime; and that case disposition should be based primarily on the victim's and the community's needs.
TABLE 6.19
Executive clemency applications for federal offenses received, disposed of, and pending in Office of U.S. Pardon Attorney, fiscal years 1953–2002
Granted | |||||
Fiscal year | Pending from previous fiscal year | Received | Pardons | Commutations | Denied |
1990 | 616 | 354 | 0 | 0 | 289 |
1991 | 681 | 318 | 29 | 0 | 681 |
1992 | 289 | 379 | 0 | 0 | 192 |
1993 | 4761 | 868 | 36 | 2 | 251 |
1994 | 1,048 | 808 | 0 | 0 | 785 |
1995 | 1,071 | 612 | 53 | 3 | 588 |
1996 | 1,039 | 512 | 0 | 0 | 371 |
1997 | 1,174 | 685 | 0 | 0 | 555 |
1998 | 1,304 | 608 | 21 | 0 | 378 |
1999 | 1,512 | 1,009 | 34 | 14 | 601 |
20002 | 1,872 | 1,388 | 70 | 6 | 1,027 |
20013 | 2,153 | 1,169 | 218 | 40 | 160 |
2002 | 3,320 | 1,248 | 0 | 0 | 1,985 |
Note: Article II, Section 2 of the U.S. Constitution authorizes the president to grant executive clemency for federal criminal offenses. The U.S. pardon attorney, in consultation with the attorney general's office, receives and reviews all petitions for executive clemency, initiates the necessary investigations, and prepares the recommendations of the attorney general to the president. Clemency may be a reprieve, remission of fine or restitution, commutation, or pardon. A "pardon," which is generally considered only after sentence completion, restores basic civil rights and may aid in the reinstatement of professional or trade licenses that may have been lost as a result of the conviction. A "commutation" is a reduction of sentence. | |||||
Commutations include remission of fines. Petitions denied also include those that are closed administratively. Cases in which multiple forms of relief were granted are counted in only one category. The figures presented in this table do not include clemency actions on draft resisters, or military deserters and absentees during the Vietnam war era. | |||||
1In inaugural years, these figures are for the outgoing administration. | |||||
2In addition to the six commutations, President Clinton granted one reprieve of an execution date during fiscal year 2000. | |||||
3In addition to the 40 commutations, President Clinton granted 1 reprieve of an execution date during fiscal year 2001. | |||||
SOURCE: "Table 5.73: Executive Clemency Applications for Federal Offenses Received, Disposed of, and Pending in the Office of the U.S. Pardon Attorney, Fiscal Years 1953–2002," in Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics 2002, U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Washington, DC, 2003 |
One example of restorative justice is Victim-Offender Mediation, in which offenders meet with the victim(s) of their crime. These meetings, facilitated by a mediator, focus on the effects of the crime on the life of the victim and on the community at large. A restitution agreement is reached between the offender and the victim. Another example of restorative justice is Family Group Conferencing, which involves the meeting of the victim and the offender plus family, friends, co-workers and teachers of the victim and offender. According to Kurki, family group conferencing originated in New Zealand, where it became part of the juvenile justice system in 1989. As of 1999, about 30 percent of juvenile offenders in New Zealand were sent to family group conferencing instead of to juvenile court.
A Rand Corporation report, Diverting Children from a Life of Crime: Measuring Costs and Benefits (1996), found that programs helping children avoid crime were more cost-effective than imprisoning repeat offenders for long periods. The study concluded that a state government could prevent 157 crimes annually by investing $1 million in parent-training programs. They could prevent another 258 crimes by investing $1 million in graduation incentive programs. On the other hand, spending $1 million in constructing and operating new prisons for long-term prisoners would prevent only 60 crimes a year. A cost-benefit comparison seems to favor spending on early crime intervention rather than on construction of prisons.
User Comments